THE RECENT speech by Mr Lee Kuan Yew at Hong Kong Policy Research Institute grabbed the attention of our mass media and political circle with the Singapore leader's enlightening views on several issues affecting the present and future of Hong Kong.
Mr Lee is not very popular with Hong Kong people. His conservative ideas have been more rejected than accepted by the political circles here, particularly the democrats. Yet, accepting him or not, most people admit that Mr Lee is a statesman of international stature.
His political thinking is characterised with a strategic vision that enables him to grasp issues from a global perspective. He can perceive the very essence of a situation which is hidden deep but has far-reaching consequences.
By contrast, politicians of Hong Kong are so much involved in trivialities that they often fail to see the wood for the trees.
The occurrence of Mr Lee Kuan Yew is something of an oddity. Normally, statesmen with a strategic vision are the product of large countries. Restricted by their geography, small countries have little need for global strategies, and therefore can hardly produce statesmen of international stature.
Beijing appreciates Mr Lee very much. In early 80s, while China was drafting its policy on Hong Kong, Deng Xiaoping hoped that a Lee Kuan Yew-like leader would appear in Hong Kong.
He believed that, for Hong Kong to complete its historic return to Chinese sovereignty and carry out the policy of“Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong”, one or more statesmen with high political wisdom would be indispensable.
Yet it takes the tempering in fierce political strifes to bring about political wisdom. While the negotiations over Hong Kong's return were monopolised by Beijing and London, how could the territory expect to produce a Lee Kuan Yew of its own？
（The author is a Hong Kong-based political analyst. The article was first published in Ming Pao Daily News.）
香港難有李光耀
李光耀在香港政策研究所的演講,頗引起香港傳媒和政界人士的關(guān)注,因為他確實對香港的現(xiàn)在和未來,提出不少啟發(fā)性的問題。
李光耀并不為香港人所喜愛,尤其是政界人士,更尤其是民主派,對李光耀的保守觀點,抗拒多于接受。但是,不管喜愛還是抗拒,多數(shù)人都承認李光耀是個的政治家。
李光耀政治思維的特點,是他有一整套全球戰(zhàn)略思想,從全局去看問題,因而看得深、看得準、看得遠,不像香港政界人士眼光短淺,糾纏于具體煩事之中,脫身不出來,因而往往是只看樹木,不見森林。
李光耀的出現(xiàn)是個異數(shù)。一般地說,具有戰(zhàn)略眼光的政治家,只能產(chǎn)生于大國,而小國由于地域的局限,不需要有全球戰(zhàn)略,因而難以產(chǎn)生的政治奇才。
北京是相當欣賞李光耀的。80年代初北京草擬收回香港政策時,鄧小平就十分期望香港能有個李光耀。鄧小平的思維是：回歸是香港最重大的歷史轉(zhuǎn)折,沒有一個或幾個具有高度政治智慧的政治家,又怎能掌握住這個歷史轉(zhuǎn)折,真正貫徹“港人治港”？
但是,政治智慧是在復(fù)雜政治斗爭中鍛煉出來的,香港主權(quán)全由中英政府談判包辦,香港人只能靠邊站,這樣,香港又怎能產(chǎn)生李光耀？（作者是香港政論家。本文轉(zhuǎn)載自《明報》）
Mr Lee is not very popular with Hong Kong people. His conservative ideas have been more rejected than accepted by the political circles here, particularly the democrats. Yet, accepting him or not, most people admit that Mr Lee is a statesman of international stature.
His political thinking is characterised with a strategic vision that enables him to grasp issues from a global perspective. He can perceive the very essence of a situation which is hidden deep but has far-reaching consequences.
By contrast, politicians of Hong Kong are so much involved in trivialities that they often fail to see the wood for the trees.
The occurrence of Mr Lee Kuan Yew is something of an oddity. Normally, statesmen with a strategic vision are the product of large countries. Restricted by their geography, small countries have little need for global strategies, and therefore can hardly produce statesmen of international stature.
Beijing appreciates Mr Lee very much. In early 80s, while China was drafting its policy on Hong Kong, Deng Xiaoping hoped that a Lee Kuan Yew-like leader would appear in Hong Kong.
He believed that, for Hong Kong to complete its historic return to Chinese sovereignty and carry out the policy of“Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong”, one or more statesmen with high political wisdom would be indispensable.
Yet it takes the tempering in fierce political strifes to bring about political wisdom. While the negotiations over Hong Kong's return were monopolised by Beijing and London, how could the territory expect to produce a Lee Kuan Yew of its own？
（The author is a Hong Kong-based political analyst. The article was first published in Ming Pao Daily News.）
香港難有李光耀
李光耀在香港政策研究所的演講,頗引起香港傳媒和政界人士的關(guān)注,因為他確實對香港的現(xiàn)在和未來,提出不少啟發(fā)性的問題。
李光耀并不為香港人所喜愛,尤其是政界人士,更尤其是民主派,對李光耀的保守觀點,抗拒多于接受。但是,不管喜愛還是抗拒,多數(shù)人都承認李光耀是個的政治家。
李光耀政治思維的特點,是他有一整套全球戰(zhàn)略思想,從全局去看問題,因而看得深、看得準、看得遠,不像香港政界人士眼光短淺,糾纏于具體煩事之中,脫身不出來,因而往往是只看樹木,不見森林。
李光耀的出現(xiàn)是個異數(shù)。一般地說,具有戰(zhàn)略眼光的政治家,只能產(chǎn)生于大國,而小國由于地域的局限,不需要有全球戰(zhàn)略,因而難以產(chǎn)生的政治奇才。
北京是相當欣賞李光耀的。80年代初北京草擬收回香港政策時,鄧小平就十分期望香港能有個李光耀。鄧小平的思維是：回歸是香港最重大的歷史轉(zhuǎn)折,沒有一個或幾個具有高度政治智慧的政治家,又怎能掌握住這個歷史轉(zhuǎn)折,真正貫徹“港人治港”？
但是,政治智慧是在復(fù)雜政治斗爭中鍛煉出來的,香港主權(quán)全由中英政府談判包辦,香港人只能靠邊站,這樣,香港又怎能產(chǎn)生李光耀？（作者是香港政論家。本文轉(zhuǎn)載自《明報》）