Why the uproar over MCA‘s purchase of Chinese newspapers？
While the political dust of the 1999 general election has settled, there has been no lack of controversies in Malaysian politics. Though Chinese voters are generally credited with the National Front‘s （NF） defeat of the serious challenge by the opposition alliance, the Chinese community in Malaysia has not benefited from the NF’s continued two-thirds majority in Parliament.
Since the last election, issues involving the Chinese community have been triggered one after another. These include rows over the planned vision schools, Chinese pressure group Suqiu, relocation of a Chinese primary school in Damansara, and outstanding Chinese students who have failed to gain entry into national universities.
The purchase of Nanyang Press by the Malaysian Chinese Association （MCA） is the latest in the series of controversies. The MCA has defended its takeover as a “golden business opportunity” and “l(fā)ong-term strategic investment” - but few, if any, are convinced that the decision is not politically-motivated.
The acquisition gives the MCA control over Malaysia‘s second- and third- largest Chinese-language dailies - the 55-year-old China Press and the 78-year-old Nanyang Siang Pau - and is seen by many as a move to “kill three birds with one stone”。
Public perception is that the purchase is part of the NF‘s overall strategy for the next general election due in 2004. The aim is to shape and influence opinions in the Chinese community via the Chinese press. With the Chinese media under its thumb, the MCA, now led by Dr Ling Liong Sik, will be better able to gag opposing voices within the party. In addition, it also deals a blow to the Chinese-dominated Gerakan, a long-time rival for the Chinese vote.
Besides, Nanyang Press, a profitable listed company, provides MCA an additional source of funds.
The Chinese community reacted with fury towards MCA‘s purchase of Nanyang Press. There are strong emotional ties between the Chinese community and the Chinese press which are almost inter-dependent. The Chinese community gets the information it needs from the Chinese press and also uses it to express its views and unhappiness with government policy.
The MCA has been accused of lacking real power and being ineffective in fighting for the interests of the Chinese. The Democratic Action Party has not been able to change the political reality either. This leaves the Chinese community with only the more independent Chinese newspapers, which they trust and rely on, to speak out for the Chinese.
By taking control of two Chinese newspapers in a single manoeuvre and thus destroying the last line of defence of the Chinese community, the MCA has angered the latter. For more than a year, the party has gone against the wishes of the Chinese community on many Chinese-related issues. Ignoring opposition from the Chinese community to take over the Chinese press has pushed dissatisfaction with the party to an unprecedented height.
For fear of a media blackout, the anti-Ling faction within the MCA also launched a ferocious attack on Ling. In alliance with the Chinese community, both raised violent objection to the takeover.
The strong reactions have baffled the United Malays National Organisation or Umno, as well as the Malay community. For a long time, Umno has controlled the Utusan Malaysia and Berita Harian and there has not been the slightest outcry from the Malays.
Umno and the MCA are both ethnic-based political parties. The biggest difference between them is that the former has the power to safeguard Malay rights and interest effectively. The impression has been that Umno is synonymous with Malays. Hence, Malays are not worried that the control of newspapers by Umno will deprive them of a channel to make themselves heard.
But the downfall of former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim has caused some Malays to lose faith in Umno and Umno-controlled newspapers. This, in turn, has led to a plunge in the circulation of Malay newspapers.
The same may well happen to MCA-controlled newspapers. In fact, sales of Nanyang Siang Pau and China Press each fell by about 10,000 copies when news of MCA‘s takeover bid broke. The closure of Tong Bao, a daily controlled in the past by the MCA but failed to gain the support of the Chinese community, also comes to mind. Will Nanyang Siang Pau and China Press suffer the same fate？ The answer lies in whether the MCA can regain the confidence of the Chinese community in the party.
（The writer is Asistant to Editor, （Foreign Desk）, Lianhe Zaobao. Translated by Yap Gee Poh）
馬華收購(gòu)華文報(bào)為何引起華社嘩然？
● 林友順
在1999年全國(guó)大選塵埃落定后,馬來(lái)西亞政壇并不因此沉寂下來(lái)。雖然華族選民普遍上被視為是國(guó)陣力保江山、擊退來(lái)勢(shì)洶洶的*聯(lián)合陣線的關(guān)鍵,馬國(guó)華社并不因國(guó)陣?yán)^續(xù)在國(guó)會(huì)取得三分二議席的優(yōu)勢(shì)而受惠。
馬華收購(gòu)南洋報(bào)業(yè)則是涉及華社的新爭(zhēng)議。
大選至今的一年多來(lái),涉及華社的諸多課題逐一引爆,這包括宏愿 學(xué)校課題、訴求的爭(zhēng)議、白沙羅華小事件及華族優(yōu)秀生無(wú)法進(jìn)入國(guó)立大學(xué)等事件。
馬華收購(gòu)南洋報(bào)業(yè)則是涉及華社的新爭(zhēng)議。雖然馬華辯護(hù)說(shuō)收購(gòu)行動(dòng)是商業(yè)性的“黃金機(jī)會(huì)”、是“長(zhǎng)期的策略性投資”,不過(guò),沒有人不相信,收購(gòu)行動(dòng)涉及政治動(dòng)機(jī)。
馬華通過(guò)收購(gòu)行動(dòng)控制馬國(guó)第二及第三大華文報(bào),即創(chuàng)刊已有55年的《中國(guó)報(bào)》與具78年歷史的《南洋商報(bào)》,被人視為是一石三鳥的行動(dòng)。
人們普遍上相信,馬華的收購(gòu)行動(dòng)是國(guó)陣為備戰(zhàn)2004年全國(guó)大選的布局之一,以期通過(guò)控制華文媒體,影響民意與輿論。由林良實(shí)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的馬華在控制華文媒體后,也將能有效地封鎖馬華反對(duì)派的聲音及打擊長(zhǎng)期來(lái)與馬華爭(zhēng)寵的民政黨。
南洋報(bào)業(yè)也是賺錢的上市公司,這將使馬華多一個(gè)資金來(lái)源。
不過(guò),馬華的收購(gòu)行動(dòng)受到華社的強(qiáng)烈反對(duì)。華社與華文報(bào)存有深厚的感情,其關(guān)系已是到了唇齒相依。華社通過(guò)華文報(bào)吸取所需的信息,華社也通過(guò)華文報(bào)傳達(dá)心聲與表達(dá)對(duì)政策的不滿。
由于馬華被指為“當(dāng)家不當(dāng)權(quán)”,不能有效為華社爭(zhēng)取權(quán)益；民行黨又無(wú)法改變政治現(xiàn)實(shí),言論較獨(dú)立的華文報(bào)就成為華社可以信賴與依靠的公器。
馬華一口氣控制兩家華文報(bào),華社對(duì)后的一堵墻被推倒感到憤怒,引發(fā)了排山倒海的反對(duì)聲音。馬華在過(guò)去一年多來(lái)對(duì)多項(xiàng)關(guān)系華社的課題與華社意愿“背道而馳”,如今又不顧華社的強(qiáng)烈反對(duì)“一意孤行”,令華社對(duì)馬華的不滿達(dá)到頂點(diǎn)。
馬華反對(duì)林良實(shí)的派系為了避免新聞被封鎖,借用收購(gòu)課題對(duì)林良實(shí)展開猛烈的攻擊；華社與馬華反對(duì)派兩股勢(shì)力的結(jié)盟,使反收購(gòu)運(yùn)動(dòng)洶涌澎湃。
巫統(tǒng)與馬來(lái)社會(huì)一直不能理解,為何巫統(tǒng)長(zhǎng)期來(lái)控制《馬來(lái)西亞前鋒報(bào)》及《每日新聞》,馬來(lái)社會(huì)沒有反對(duì)的聲音,華社卻對(duì)馬華企圖控制華文報(bào)會(huì)有那么強(qiáng)烈的反彈。
巫統(tǒng)與馬華同是為個(gè)別族群斗爭(zhēng)的種族性政黨,兩黨大的不同點(diǎn)是,巫統(tǒng)當(dāng)家也當(dāng)權(quán),這使它能很有效地維護(hù)馬來(lái)人的權(quán)益。長(zhǎng)期以來(lái),人們即有一種印象,巫統(tǒng)就是馬來(lái)人,馬來(lái)人就是巫統(tǒng)。因此,馬來(lái)人并不擔(dān)心巫統(tǒng)控制馬來(lái)文報(bào)章,將會(huì)導(dǎo)致馬來(lái)人的心聲無(wú)法傳達(dá)。
不過(guò),當(dāng)前副首相安華事件發(fā)生后,馬來(lái)人對(duì)巫統(tǒng)失去信心,他們也對(duì)被巫統(tǒng)控制的馬來(lái)報(bào)章失去信心,這導(dǎo)致馬來(lái)報(bào)章的銷量大幅度下跌。
這種情況也可能出現(xiàn)在馬華控制的華文報(bào)；事實(shí)上,《南洋商報(bào)》與《中國(guó)報(bào)》的銷量已在馬華宣布收購(gòu)后分別下跌約一萬(wàn)份,它是否會(huì)重演當(dāng)年馬華控制《通報(bào)》,因無(wú)法獲得華社的支持而被迫關(guān)閉的歷史,這視馬華是否能夠恢復(fù)華社對(duì)它的信心
While the political dust of the 1999 general election has settled, there has been no lack of controversies in Malaysian politics. Though Chinese voters are generally credited with the National Front‘s （NF） defeat of the serious challenge by the opposition alliance, the Chinese community in Malaysia has not benefited from the NF’s continued two-thirds majority in Parliament.
Since the last election, issues involving the Chinese community have been triggered one after another. These include rows over the planned vision schools, Chinese pressure group Suqiu, relocation of a Chinese primary school in Damansara, and outstanding Chinese students who have failed to gain entry into national universities.
The purchase of Nanyang Press by the Malaysian Chinese Association （MCA） is the latest in the series of controversies. The MCA has defended its takeover as a “golden business opportunity” and “l(fā)ong-term strategic investment” - but few, if any, are convinced that the decision is not politically-motivated.
The acquisition gives the MCA control over Malaysia‘s second- and third- largest Chinese-language dailies - the 55-year-old China Press and the 78-year-old Nanyang Siang Pau - and is seen by many as a move to “kill three birds with one stone”。
Public perception is that the purchase is part of the NF‘s overall strategy for the next general election due in 2004. The aim is to shape and influence opinions in the Chinese community via the Chinese press. With the Chinese media under its thumb, the MCA, now led by Dr Ling Liong Sik, will be better able to gag opposing voices within the party. In addition, it also deals a blow to the Chinese-dominated Gerakan, a long-time rival for the Chinese vote.
Besides, Nanyang Press, a profitable listed company, provides MCA an additional source of funds.
The Chinese community reacted with fury towards MCA‘s purchase of Nanyang Press. There are strong emotional ties between the Chinese community and the Chinese press which are almost inter-dependent. The Chinese community gets the information it needs from the Chinese press and also uses it to express its views and unhappiness with government policy.
The MCA has been accused of lacking real power and being ineffective in fighting for the interests of the Chinese. The Democratic Action Party has not been able to change the political reality either. This leaves the Chinese community with only the more independent Chinese newspapers, which they trust and rely on, to speak out for the Chinese.
By taking control of two Chinese newspapers in a single manoeuvre and thus destroying the last line of defence of the Chinese community, the MCA has angered the latter. For more than a year, the party has gone against the wishes of the Chinese community on many Chinese-related issues. Ignoring opposition from the Chinese community to take over the Chinese press has pushed dissatisfaction with the party to an unprecedented height.
For fear of a media blackout, the anti-Ling faction within the MCA also launched a ferocious attack on Ling. In alliance with the Chinese community, both raised violent objection to the takeover.
The strong reactions have baffled the United Malays National Organisation or Umno, as well as the Malay community. For a long time, Umno has controlled the Utusan Malaysia and Berita Harian and there has not been the slightest outcry from the Malays.
Umno and the MCA are both ethnic-based political parties. The biggest difference between them is that the former has the power to safeguard Malay rights and interest effectively. The impression has been that Umno is synonymous with Malays. Hence, Malays are not worried that the control of newspapers by Umno will deprive them of a channel to make themselves heard.
But the downfall of former deputy prime minister Anwar Ibrahim has caused some Malays to lose faith in Umno and Umno-controlled newspapers. This, in turn, has led to a plunge in the circulation of Malay newspapers.
The same may well happen to MCA-controlled newspapers. In fact, sales of Nanyang Siang Pau and China Press each fell by about 10,000 copies when news of MCA‘s takeover bid broke. The closure of Tong Bao, a daily controlled in the past by the MCA but failed to gain the support of the Chinese community, also comes to mind. Will Nanyang Siang Pau and China Press suffer the same fate？ The answer lies in whether the MCA can regain the confidence of the Chinese community in the party.
（The writer is Asistant to Editor, （Foreign Desk）, Lianhe Zaobao. Translated by Yap Gee Poh）
馬華收購(gòu)華文報(bào)為何引起華社嘩然？
● 林友順
在1999年全國(guó)大選塵埃落定后,馬來(lái)西亞政壇并不因此沉寂下來(lái)。雖然華族選民普遍上被視為是國(guó)陣力保江山、擊退來(lái)勢(shì)洶洶的*聯(lián)合陣線的關(guān)鍵,馬國(guó)華社并不因國(guó)陣?yán)^續(xù)在國(guó)會(huì)取得三分二議席的優(yōu)勢(shì)而受惠。
馬華收購(gòu)南洋報(bào)業(yè)則是涉及華社的新爭(zhēng)議。
大選至今的一年多來(lái),涉及華社的諸多課題逐一引爆,這包括宏愿 學(xué)校課題、訴求的爭(zhēng)議、白沙羅華小事件及華族優(yōu)秀生無(wú)法進(jìn)入國(guó)立大學(xué)等事件。
馬華收購(gòu)南洋報(bào)業(yè)則是涉及華社的新爭(zhēng)議。雖然馬華辯護(hù)說(shuō)收購(gòu)行動(dòng)是商業(yè)性的“黃金機(jī)會(huì)”、是“長(zhǎng)期的策略性投資”,不過(guò),沒有人不相信,收購(gòu)行動(dòng)涉及政治動(dòng)機(jī)。
馬華通過(guò)收購(gòu)行動(dòng)控制馬國(guó)第二及第三大華文報(bào),即創(chuàng)刊已有55年的《中國(guó)報(bào)》與具78年歷史的《南洋商報(bào)》,被人視為是一石三鳥的行動(dòng)。
人們普遍上相信,馬華的收購(gòu)行動(dòng)是國(guó)陣為備戰(zhàn)2004年全國(guó)大選的布局之一,以期通過(guò)控制華文媒體,影響民意與輿論。由林良實(shí)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的馬華在控制華文媒體后,也將能有效地封鎖馬華反對(duì)派的聲音及打擊長(zhǎng)期來(lái)與馬華爭(zhēng)寵的民政黨。
南洋報(bào)業(yè)也是賺錢的上市公司,這將使馬華多一個(gè)資金來(lái)源。
不過(guò),馬華的收購(gòu)行動(dòng)受到華社的強(qiáng)烈反對(duì)。華社與華文報(bào)存有深厚的感情,其關(guān)系已是到了唇齒相依。華社通過(guò)華文報(bào)吸取所需的信息,華社也通過(guò)華文報(bào)傳達(dá)心聲與表達(dá)對(duì)政策的不滿。
由于馬華被指為“當(dāng)家不當(dāng)權(quán)”,不能有效為華社爭(zhēng)取權(quán)益；民行黨又無(wú)法改變政治現(xiàn)實(shí),言論較獨(dú)立的華文報(bào)就成為華社可以信賴與依靠的公器。
馬華一口氣控制兩家華文報(bào),華社對(duì)后的一堵墻被推倒感到憤怒,引發(fā)了排山倒海的反對(duì)聲音。馬華在過(guò)去一年多來(lái)對(duì)多項(xiàng)關(guān)系華社的課題與華社意愿“背道而馳”,如今又不顧華社的強(qiáng)烈反對(duì)“一意孤行”,令華社對(duì)馬華的不滿達(dá)到頂點(diǎn)。
馬華反對(duì)林良實(shí)的派系為了避免新聞被封鎖,借用收購(gòu)課題對(duì)林良實(shí)展開猛烈的攻擊；華社與馬華反對(duì)派兩股勢(shì)力的結(jié)盟,使反收購(gòu)運(yùn)動(dòng)洶涌澎湃。
巫統(tǒng)與馬來(lái)社會(huì)一直不能理解,為何巫統(tǒng)長(zhǎng)期來(lái)控制《馬來(lái)西亞前鋒報(bào)》及《每日新聞》,馬來(lái)社會(huì)沒有反對(duì)的聲音,華社卻對(duì)馬華企圖控制華文報(bào)會(huì)有那么強(qiáng)烈的反彈。
巫統(tǒng)與馬華同是為個(gè)別族群斗爭(zhēng)的種族性政黨,兩黨大的不同點(diǎn)是,巫統(tǒng)當(dāng)家也當(dāng)權(quán),這使它能很有效地維護(hù)馬來(lái)人的權(quán)益。長(zhǎng)期以來(lái),人們即有一種印象,巫統(tǒng)就是馬來(lái)人,馬來(lái)人就是巫統(tǒng)。因此,馬來(lái)人并不擔(dān)心巫統(tǒng)控制馬來(lái)文報(bào)章,將會(huì)導(dǎo)致馬來(lái)人的心聲無(wú)法傳達(dá)。
不過(guò),當(dāng)前副首相安華事件發(fā)生后,馬來(lái)人對(duì)巫統(tǒng)失去信心,他們也對(duì)被巫統(tǒng)控制的馬來(lái)報(bào)章失去信心,這導(dǎo)致馬來(lái)報(bào)章的銷量大幅度下跌。
這種情況也可能出現(xiàn)在馬華控制的華文報(bào)；事實(shí)上,《南洋商報(bào)》與《中國(guó)報(bào)》的銷量已在馬華宣布收購(gòu)后分別下跌約一萬(wàn)份,它是否會(huì)重演當(dāng)年馬華控制《通報(bào)》,因無(wú)法獲得華社的支持而被迫關(guān)閉的歷史,這視馬華是否能夠恢復(fù)華社對(duì)它的信心