天空吸引你展翅飛翔，海洋召喚你揚(yáng)帆啟航，高山激勵(lì)你奮勇攀登，平原等待你信馬由韁……出發(fā)吧，愿你前程無(wú)量,努力備考，考入理想院校！以下是為大家整理的 《2018年10月自考英語(yǔ)（二）閱讀強(qiáng)化輔導(dǎo)【21-24】》供您查閱。
【篇一】
Let Your Mind Wander
Until recently daydreaming was generally considered either a waste of time or a symptom of neurotic tendencies, and habitual daydreaming was regarded as evidence of maladjustment or an escape from life's realities and responsibilities. It was believed that habitual daydreaming would eventually distance people from society and reduce their effectiveness in coping with real problems. At its best, daydreaming was considered a compensatory substitute for the real things in life.
As with anything carried to excess, daydreaming can be harmful.
There are always those who would substitute fantasy lives for the rewards of real activity. But such extremes are relatively race, and there is a growing body of evidence to support the fact that most people suffer from a lack of daydreaming rather than an excess of it.
We are now beginning to learn how valuable it really is and that when individuals are completely prevented form daydreaming, their emotional balance can be disturbed. Not only are they less able to deal with the pressures of day-to-day existence, but also their self-control and self-direction become endangered.
Recent research indicates that daydreaming is part of daily life and that a certain amount each day is essential for maintaining equilibrium. Daydreaming, science has discovered, is an effective relaxation technique. But its beneficial effects go beyond this.
Experiments show that daydreaming significantly contributes to intellectual growth, powers of concentration, and the ability to interact and communicate with others.
In an experiment with schoolchildren in New York, Dr. Joan Freberg observed improved concentration: "There was less running around, more happy feelings, more talking and playing in the group, and more attention paid to detail."
In another experiment at Yale University. Dr. Jerome Singer found that daydreaming resulted in improved self-control and enhanced creative thinking ability. Daydreaming, Singer pointed out, is one way individuals can improve upon reality. It is, he concluded, a powerful spur to achievement.
But the value of daydreaming does not stop here. It has been found that it improves a person's ability to be better adapted to practical, immediate concerns, to solve everyday problems, and to come up more readily with new ideas. Contrary to popular belief, constant and conscious effort at solving a problem is, in reality, one of the most inefficient ways of coping with it. While conscious initial effort is always necessary, effective solutions to especially severe problems frequently occur when conscious attempts to solve them have been put off. Inability to relax, to let go of a problem, often prevents its solution.
Historically, scientists and inventors are one group that seems to take full advantage of relaxed moments. Their biographies reveal that their best ideas seem to have occurred when they were relaxing and daydreaming. It is ell known, for example, that Newton solved many of his toughest problems when his attention was waylaid by private musings. Thomas Alva Edison also knew the value of "half waking" states. Whenever confronted with a task which seemed too hard to be dealt with, he would stretch out on his laboratory sofa and let fantasies flood mind.
Painters, writers, and composers also have drawn heavily on their sensitivity to inner fantasies. Debussy used to gaze at the River Seine and the golden reflections of the setting sun to establish an atmosphere for creativity. Brahms found that ideas came effortless only when he approached a state of deep daydreaming. And Cesar Frank is said to have walked around with a dreamlike gaze while composing, seemingly totally unaware of his surroundings.
Many successful people actually daydreamed their successes and achievements long before they realized them. Henry J. Kaiser maintained that "you can imagine your future," and he believed that a great part of his business success was due to positive use of daydreams. Harry S. Truman said that he used daydreaming for rest.
Conrad Hilton dreamed of operating a hotel when he was a boy. He recalled that all his accomplishments were first realized in his imagination.
"Great living starts with a picture, held in some person's imagination, of what he would like someday to do or be. Florence Nightingale dreamed of being a nurse. Edison pictured himself an inventor; all such characters escaped the mere push of circumstance by imagining a future so vividly that they headed for it." These are the words of the well-known thinker Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick, and they show that people can literally daydream themselves to success.
Fosdick, aware of the wonderful power of positive daydreaming, offered this advice: "Hold a picture of yourself long and steadily enough in your mind's eye, and you will be drawn toward it. Picture yourself vividly as defeated and that alone will make victory impossible.
Picture yourself as winning and that will contribute remarkably to success. Do not picture yourself as anything, and you will drift like an abandoned ship at sea."
To get the results, you should picture yourself - as vividly as possible - as you want to be. The important thing to remember is to picture these desired objectives as if you had already attained them.
Go over several times the details of these pictures. This will deeply impress them on your memory, and these memory traces will soon start influencing your everyday behavior toward the attainment of the goal.
While exercising your imagination, you should be alone and completely undisturbed. Some individuals seem to have the ability to tune into their private selves in the midst of the noisiest crowds or company. But most of us, especially when the experience is new, require an environment free from outside distraction.
A life lived without fantasy and daydreaming is a seriously impoverished one. Each of us should put aside a few minutes daily, taking short 10- or 15-minute vacations. Daydreaming is highly beneficial to your physical and mental well-being, and you will find that this modest, inexpensive investment in time will add up to a more creative and imaginative, a more satisfied, and a more self-fulfilled you. It offers us a fuller sense of being intensely alive from moment to moment, and this, of course, contributes greatly to the excitement and joy of living.
讓頭腦暢想
直到近白日做夢(mèng)通常被認(rèn)為不中浪費(fèi)時(shí)間就是要患精神病的征兆。習(xí)慣性白日做夢(mèng)被看作精神失調(diào)的證據(jù)或是對(duì)現(xiàn)實(shí)生活和責(zé)任的逃避。人們相信，習(xí)慣性白日作夢(mèng)被認(rèn)為是代替生活現(xiàn)實(shí)的補(bǔ)償品。
任何事情做得過(guò)分都可能有害，白日做夢(mèng)也是一樣?？傆心敲匆恍┤?，他們用想入非非的生活來(lái)代替實(shí)際活動(dòng)得到的好處。但是這一類極端的情況極為罕見(jiàn)，愈來(lái)愈多的資料都能證明這樣一種看法：大多數(shù)人的白日夢(mèng)做得太少了，而不是太多了?，F(xiàn)在我們才開(kāi)始了解到它確實(shí)是那么有價(jià)值。當(dāng)一個(gè)人被禁止做白日夢(mèng)時(shí)，他們的感情平衡就可能被攪亂。不僅使他們更難以對(duì)付日常的生活壓力，而且他們的自我控制和自我定向變得岌岌可危。近的研究表明，白日做夢(mèng)是日常生活的一部分，每天做一定數(shù)量的白日夢(mèng)對(duì)保持平衡是必不可少的。科學(xué)已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)白日夢(mèng)是一種有效的消遣技巧。但它的有利影響不只這一點(diǎn)，實(shí)驗(yàn)表明，白日夢(mèng)特別有助于智力的發(fā)展，有助于全神貫注的能力和與人交往、交流的能力。
在紐約對(duì)學(xué)童的實(shí)驗(yàn)中，瓊·弗雷伯格博士觀察到了注意力的改善："四處亂跑的現(xiàn)象少了，孩子們更開(kāi)心，更愛(ài)一起談話，一起玩了，而且更多地注意細(xì)節(jié)。"
在耶魯大學(xué)的另一個(gè)實(shí)驗(yàn)中，杰羅姆·辛格博士發(fā)現(xiàn)白日做夢(mèng)可以提高自我控制力和增強(qiáng)創(chuàng)造性的思維能力。辛格指出，白日做夢(mèng)是個(gè)人超越現(xiàn)實(shí)的一種方式。他得出一個(gè)結(jié)論，白日做夢(mèng)對(duì)成功是一種強(qiáng)有力的刺激。
但白日夢(mèng)的價(jià)值并非僅限于此。已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)，白日做夢(mèng)能提高一個(gè)人的能力，使他能更好地適應(yīng)實(shí)際的、緊急的事物，解決日常問(wèn)題，并能較容易地提出新的想法。與普通的觀點(diǎn)相反，不斷的、有意識(shí)的努力常常是必需的，但在放棄解決問(wèn)題的有意識(shí)的嘗試時(shí)，對(duì)于特別嚴(yán)重的問(wèn)題的有效的解決方法常常才會(huì)出現(xiàn)。不會(huì)放松，不會(huì)對(duì)某個(gè)問(wèn)題置之不理，常常妨礙問(wèn)題的解決。
歷，科學(xué)家和發(fā)明家似乎屬于充分利用放松時(shí)刻的群體。他們的傳記提示了他們好的想法似乎產(chǎn)生在他們放松和幻想的時(shí)候。例如，眾所周知，牛頓在其注意力被個(gè)人深思打斷時(shí)解決了許多棘手的難題。托馬斯o 愛(ài)迪生也知道"半清醒"狀態(tài)的價(jià)值。不論何時(shí)遇到似乎太難對(duì)付的任務(wù)，他都要舒展四肢躺在他實(shí)驗(yàn)室的沙發(fā)上，讓幻想任意在腦際流淌。
畫(huà)家、作家和作曲家十分依賴對(duì)內(nèi)心幻覺(jué)的敏感性。德彪西常常盯著塞納河和落日的金色反光來(lái)建立一種創(chuàng)造性的氛圍。勃拉姆斯發(fā)現(xiàn)只有當(dāng)他陷入一種深深的幻想狀態(tài)時(shí)，各種想法才會(huì)毫不費(fèi)力地泉涌而出。據(jù)說(shuō)塞薩爾o 弗蘭克作曲時(shí)，像做夢(mèng)一樣凝視著四處走動(dòng)，似乎完全意識(shí)不到他周圍的事物。
許多成功者實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的成功和成就前，實(shí)際上早在做白日夢(mèng)了。亨利丁凱澤堅(jiān)持說(shuō)："你能想象你的未來(lái)。"他相信他的大部分商業(yè)成功是由于幻想的作用。哈利杜魯門說(shuō)他利用幻想來(lái)休息。當(dāng)他還是小男孩時(shí)，康拉德o希爾頓就幻想經(jīng)營(yíng)一家旅館，他回憶他所有的成功都是首先在他的想象中意識(shí)到的。
"偉大的生活開(kāi)始于人們想象中的圖畫(huà)，這就是有一天他愿意去做的事或成為的樣子。弗洛倫斯o南丁格爾想做一名護(hù)士，愛(ài)迪生反自己描繪成發(fā)明家，所有這些人都通過(guò)生動(dòng)形象的想象未來(lái)為之追求，從不幸壓力中解脫出來(lái)。"這就是思想家亨利愛(ài)默森福斯迪克的話，這些話表明人們簡(jiǎn)直可以用幻想并使自己成功。福斯迪克意識(shí)到幻想的強(qiáng)大力量，提出了這樣一條建議："在你心目中，盡量長(zhǎng)期并穩(wěn)定保留你自己的形象，你就會(huì)被驅(qū)使著向這個(gè)方向發(fā)展。把自己生動(dòng)形象地描繪成失敗者，便可使勝利成淡泡影。把自己描繪為勝利者，就會(huì)極大地有助于成功。如果不去描繪自己的未來(lái)，你就會(huì)像大海上的棄船一樣隨波逐流。"
為了獲得成功，你應(yīng)該把自己描繪成你想要成為的樣子--盡可能生動(dòng)形象。要記住的重要一點(diǎn)是描述這些形象的細(xì)節(jié)，這將深深地把它們銘刻在你的記憶中，這些記憶痕將很快影響你的日常行為，直至達(dá)到目標(biāo)。
在想象時(shí)，你應(yīng)該獨(dú)處，而且絲毫不受外界干擾。有些人似乎能在嘈雜的人群中進(jìn)行自我調(diào)節(jié)，進(jìn)入安靜狀態(tài)。但我們中的大部分人，特別是在剛開(kāi)始做白日夢(mèng)時(shí)，需要一種免受外界干擾的環(huán)境。
沒(méi)有想象和幻想的生活是極為貧乏的生活。我們每個(gè)人應(yīng)該每天拿出幾分鐘時(shí)間，讓自己享受10到15分鐘的假期。白日做夢(mèng)對(duì)你的身心健康有益，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)這一小小的廉價(jià)的時(shí)間投資終帶來(lái)的是一個(gè)更有創(chuàng)造性、更富想象力、更心滿意足和更躊躇滿志的你。它常常便我們更充分地意識(shí)到生活的緊張激烈，這當(dāng)然大大有助于增加生活的興奮和樂(lè)趣。
【篇二】
To Sleep, Perchance to Dream
So you awoke this morning in a miserable mood. Well, maybe your special dream character didn't put in an appearance last night, or maybe there just weren't enough people drifting through your dreams.
If that sounds like far-fetched fantasy, consider these interesting findings that have emerged from eight years of sleep and dream research at the Veterans Administration Hospital in Cincinnati, Ohio:While sleep affects how sleepy, friendly, aggressive, and unhappy we feel after awakening, feelings of happiness or unhappiness depend most strongly on our dreams.
Each of us has a special dream character, a type of person whose appearance in our dreams makes us feel happier when we awake.
What we dream at night isn't as important to how we feel in the morning as the number of people who appear in our dreams. The more people, the better we feel.
Our sleep influences our mood. Our mood, in turn, affects our performance. And throughout the day, our levels of mood and performance remain closely linked.
During the past two decades, research has greatly expanded our knowledge about sleep and dreams. Scientists have identified various stages of sleep, and they have found that humans can function well on very little sleep, but only if they dream. Yet the true function of sleep and dreaming continues to elude precise explanation.
In 1970 Milton Kramer and Thomas Roth, researchers at the VA Hospital and the University of Cincinnati College of Medicine, respectively, raised this question: Do our moods in the morning relate in any way to our sleep and dreams the previous night?
Human experience suggests that they do. Certainly we generally feel better after a good night's sleep. But Drs. Kramer and Roth sought a much more definitive answer. And that answer, though still evolving, is positive yes.
Kramer and Roth began by seeking to determine whether one's mood differs between night and morning, and whether this is related directly to sleep. They found that there is a difference, and its is definitely related to sleep. Then they explored the various aspects of mood and their relationship to the various stages of sleep and dreaming.
What does a good night's sleep mean to our mood? Generally we are happier, less aggressive, sleepier, and a bit surprisingly, less friendly. Being sleepier is easily explained. It simply takes a little time to become fully alert after awakening.
But why should we feel less friendly? Here the researchers must speculate a little. They suggest the answer may be the lack of association with other humans during the period of sleep.
Once the two doctors established scientifically what common sense and folk wisdom had long taught - namely, that there is link between sleep and how we feel - they set out to learn what parts of our mood are related to which specific parts of the sleep cycle.
Normal sleep is broken into five distinct parts - Stages 1 through 4, plus REM, an acronym for rapid eye movement. Much remains unknown about each of the five sleep stages. Most dreaming occurs during REM sleep, a period when the eyeballs move rapidly beneath the closed lids. And whether they remember or not, all adults dream, usually four to six times a night.
Three types of mood are strongly related to some specific stage of sleep. Our friendly, aggressive, and sleepy feelings all relate to Stage 2 sleep, which accounts for most of our total sleep hours. Our friendly and sleepy feelings, but not our aggressive feelings, are affected as well by Stages 3 and 4, and by how long it takes us to fall asleep.
This means that if you get less sleep than normal - and people vary a great deal in how much sleep they normally require - you awake more friendly, more aggressive, and less sleepy.
At this point, the doctors found themselves puzzled. They knew from their earlier work that sleep determines if people feel happier.
Yet when they studied the various sleep stages, they found no correlation between sleep physiology and the unhappy mood. Clearly sleep made a difference, but that difference didn't relate to how much time one spent in each of the various sleep stages.
The two researchers decided the key to whether we feel happy or unhappy after sleep must lie in sleep's psychological component - our dreams. So they began studying dream content - what dreamers dreamed and who appeared in their dreams - to see how this affected mood.
Instead of sleeping through the night, volunteers now were awakened four times while in REM sleep. They were asked about such things as what their dreams were about; the sex, age, identity, and number of the people in their dreams; and what each person in a dream was doing.
Interestingly, Kramer and Roth found that being awakened four times a night didn't make a difference in the volunteers' morning mood patterns. But they did find that who appears in a dream has a far greater influence on mood than what occurs in the dream. "Who affects all the moods," Kramer says, "but primarily the unhappy mood."
Each of us, it turns out, has a special dream character, and if this type of character appears in our dreams, we are happier when we awake. "For people in general, how unhappy you feel after sleep depends on who is in the dream," Kramer says. "Who it is that makes you happier is different for you than for me." For some it may be an older woman, for example; for others, a young man.
Who appears in your dream isn't the only important thing. The more people who appear in your dreams the happier you are on awakening. It's a case of the more the merrier. "The bad thing in a dream is to be alone; you feel worse," Kramer explains. "You can relate this to wakening psychology, where being alone leads to more unhappiness. There is something about interacting with people that produces happiness."
A number of researchers have examined the relationship of mood and performance. The doctors also checked into this relationship, and they have found some interesting correlations.
"We found that the more friendly, more aggressive, more clear-thinking, less sleepy, and surprisingly, the more unhappy you are, the better you perform. That last one - the unhappy - I can't explain," Kramer says. Moreover, the level of person's moods and the level of his or her performance rise and fall together throughout the day.
Initially the two VA researchers worked only with men, because the dreams of men are far easier to study. Men and women dream differently. Indeed, sex is the biggest factor in accounting for differences in the people activities, locations and feelings that occur in dreams. Dr. Kramer says, "When you compare men and women, you get a greater difference in dream content than when you compare, say, 20- and 60-year-olds, or black and white."
Last year the VA researchers began studying the relationship of sleep, dreams, and mood in women. This work is continuing, but the initial findings reinforce what they had found in men.
"Overall, the women are just like men," Kramer says.
睡覺(jué)，偶爾做做夢(mèng)
這么說(shuō)，你今天早上醒來(lái)時(shí)心情很糟。唔，或許你的特別的夢(mèng)中人昨夜未曾入夢(mèng)來(lái)，或許只是沒(méi)有足夠的人進(jìn)入你的夢(mèng)境。
如果那聽(tīng)起來(lái)像靠不住的空想，想一想在俄亥俄州辛辛那提的退伍軍人管理醫(yī)院進(jìn)行的對(duì)睡眠和做夢(mèng)的八年研究中發(fā)現(xiàn)的有趣結(jié)果吧。
雖然睡眠影響我們醒來(lái)后是否疲倦、友好、好勝、不開(kāi)心，感覺(jué)開(kāi)心與否主要在于我們的夢(mèng)。
我們每個(gè)人都有一個(gè)特別的夢(mèng)中人，一個(gè)在我們的夢(mèng)中出現(xiàn)、醒來(lái)時(shí)使我們感覺(jué)更開(kāi)心的人。
在夜里夢(mèng)到什么對(duì)于我們?cè)缟细杏X(jué)如何并不比我們夢(mèng)里出現(xiàn)的人數(shù)更重要。夢(mèng)中人數(shù)越多，我們感覺(jué)越好。
夢(mèng)影響我們的情緒，我們的情緒進(jìn)而影響我們的行為，一整天，我們情緒高昂亦或低落的行為總是密切相關(guān)。
在過(guò)去的20年里，研究大大地?cái)U(kuò)展了我們對(duì)睡眠的夢(mèng)的知識(shí)。科學(xué)家們已經(jīng)可以識(shí)別不同的睡眠階段，而且發(fā)現(xiàn)，人在睡眠很少的情況下，機(jī)體仍然很好的運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)，但只是在睡眠時(shí)做了夢(mèng)才如此。而睡眠和做夢(mèng)真正的功能依然得不到準(zhǔn)確的解釋。
1970年，VA醫(yī)院和辛辛那提大學(xué)醫(yī)學(xué)院的研究者米爾頓·克萊默和托馬斯·羅斯，分別提出了這個(gè)問(wèn)題：我們?cè)绯康那榫w與我們前一天夜里的睡眠和做夢(mèng)有某種關(guān)系嗎?
人們的經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明它們是有關(guān)系的。當(dāng)然，在一夜足睡的時(shí)候，我們一般會(huì)感覺(jué)良好。但是克萊默和羅斯醫(yī)生發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個(gè)更明確的答案，雖然這個(gè)答案仍在逐步形成中，但答案確是肯定的。
克萊默和羅斯開(kāi)始于探求一個(gè)人的情緒在早上和晚上是否不同，是否與睡眠有直接關(guān)系。他們發(fā)現(xiàn)確實(shí)是不同的，也確實(shí)與睡眠有關(guān)。接著，他們研究了情緒的不同方面和它們的睡眠和夢(mèng)不同階段的關(guān)系。
一晚的好覺(jué)對(duì)我們的心情意味著什么?通常我們會(huì)更開(kāi)心、不那么有攻擊性、更困倦，而且令人感到有點(diǎn)吃驚的是，居然不那么友好。更困倦的容易解釋，只是需要一點(diǎn)時(shí)間在醒來(lái)后使自己完全清醒。
但為什么我們會(huì)感到不那么友好呢?這里研究者得做一些推測(cè)，他們認(rèn)為答案可能是睡眠期間缺少與他人的交流。
兩位醫(yī)生一旦把常識(shí)和民間智慧長(zhǎng)期教給他們的東西--即睡眠與我們的感覺(jué)之間有聯(lián)系--科學(xué)地確定下來(lái)，他們就著手了解我們的情緒的哪些部分與睡眠周期的哪些具體部分有關(guān)。
正常睡眠可劃分為五個(gè)不同部分，從第一階段到第四階段，加上REM。每一個(gè)階段都有許多人們未知的知識(shí)。大部分的夢(mèng)發(fā)生在REM睡眠期間，眼球在緊閉的眼瞼下快速移動(dòng)。不管成年人是否記得，他們都做夢(mèng)，通常一夜4到6次。三種情緒和睡眠的某一階段緊密相關(guān)。我們友好的、有攻擊性的、困倦和睡眠的某一階段緊密有關(guān)。我們大部分的睡眠在第二階段。我們友好的、困倦的、但沒(méi)有攻擊性的睡眠時(shí)間也受到第三、第四階段以及我們多久才能入睡的影響。
這就意味著如果你比平時(shí)睡得少些--在政黨情況下需要多少睡眠，人與人之間是有很大差別的--你醒后就會(huì)更加友好、更有攻擊性、少些困倦。
在這一點(diǎn)上，醫(yī)生們自己也感到困惑。在他們以前的研究中，他們知道睡眠決定著人們是否會(huì)更高興。然而，當(dāng)他們研究各個(gè)睡眠階段時(shí)，他們發(fā)現(xiàn)在睡眠的生理狀況和憂郁的情緒之間沒(méi)有關(guān)系。很顯然，睡眠會(huì)帶來(lái)差異，但是這種差異與人們花在每一睡眠階段的時(shí)間長(zhǎng)短沒(méi)有關(guān)系。
兩位研究者斷言，睡眠以后我們是否感覺(jué)高興的關(guān)鍵肯定是取決于睡眠的心理構(gòu)成部分--我們的夢(mèng)。所以他們就開(kāi)始研究夢(mèng)的內(nèi)容：人們夢(mèng)到了什么、誰(shuí)大夢(mèng)中出現(xiàn)--來(lái)弄清楚夢(mèng)會(huì)怎樣影響到情緒。
參加試驗(yàn)的志愿者不能整夜睡眠，相反，在REM睡眠中，他們被喚醒四次，
然后回答問(wèn)題，如他們夢(mèng)的內(nèi)容、夢(mèng)中人物的性別、年齡、身份和數(shù)量，以及夢(mèng)中每一個(gè)的所作所為。
令人感興趣的是，克萊默和羅斯發(fā)現(xiàn)一夜被喚醒四次并沒(méi)有使志愿者早上的情緒模式發(fā)生改變。但他們卻發(fā)現(xiàn)誰(shuí)出現(xiàn)在夢(mèng)中比夢(mèng)里發(fā)生什么事對(duì)情緒具有非常大的影響。"夢(mèng)中出現(xiàn)的人物影響著所有的情況，"克萊默說(shuō)，"但首要的是不高興的情緒。"
結(jié)果是我們每一個(gè)人都有一個(gè)特殊的夢(mèng)中人物，如果這個(gè)人出現(xiàn)在夢(mèng)中，我們醒后就會(huì)感到很高興。"對(duì)一般人來(lái)說(shuō)，這個(gè)人可能是一位老太太，對(duì)另外一些人來(lái)講，可能是一位年輕男子。"
誰(shuí)出現(xiàn)在你夢(mèng)中并不是重要的事情。夢(mèng)中出現(xiàn)的人物越多，你醒來(lái)時(shí)就會(huì)更加高興。它是一種夢(mèng)中人愈多愈高興的情況。"夢(mèng)中如果你孤身一人，你的感覺(jué)就不會(huì)很好，"克萊默解釋說(shuō)，"你可以把這一點(diǎn)與人們睡醒時(shí)的心理聯(lián)系起來(lái)，在剛睡醒的狀態(tài)下孤單一人只會(huì)導(dǎo)致較多的不快。這是因?yàn)榕c人交際才能令人高興。"
一些研究人員已經(jīng)探討了情緒和行為的關(guān)系，醫(yī)生們也深入研究了這種關(guān)系。而且他們已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)了一些有趣的相互關(guān)系。
克萊默說(shuō)："我們發(fā)現(xiàn)，人越友好、越有銳氣、思維越清晰，也就越一困倦，令人驚奇的是，你越不高興，但是活兒卻干得越好。后這種情況不高興--我解釋不了。"而且一個(gè)人情緒水平和他行為水平在一天中的上下波動(dòng)總是一致的。
初，退伍軍人管理醫(yī)院的研究只對(duì)男人進(jìn)行了研究，因?yàn)槟腥说膲?mèng)研究起來(lái)容易得多。男人的夢(mèng)和女人的夢(mèng)是不同的。的確，在解釋夢(mèng)中出現(xiàn)的人物、他們的活動(dòng)、活動(dòng)地點(diǎn)和他們的感覺(jué)差異時(shí)，性別是重要的因素?？巳R默醫(yī)生說(shuō)："但你對(duì)比男人和女人時(shí)，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)他們夢(mèng)的內(nèi)容有很大的不同，這種不同與你比較，比如20歲和60歲的人或者黑人和白人要大得多。"
去年，退伍軍人管理醫(yī)院的研究者開(kāi)始研究婦女的睡眠、做夢(mèng)和情緒的關(guān)系。這項(xiàng)工作正在繼續(xù)進(jìn)行，但是一開(kāi)始的發(fā)現(xiàn)有力地證實(shí)了他們?cè)趯?duì)男人研究時(shí)的發(fā)現(xiàn)。
"總的來(lái)說(shuō)，男人和女人幾乎沒(méi)有什么兩樣，"克萊默說(shuō)。
【篇三】
Let's Stop Keeping Pets
Pets are lovable, frequently delightful. The dog and the cat, the most favored of pets, are beautiful, intelligent animals. To assume the care for them can help bring out the humanity in our children and even in us. A dog or a cat can teach us a lot about human nature; they are a lot more like us than some might think. More than one owner of a dog has said that the animal understands everything he says to it. So a mother and father who have ever cared for pets are likely to be more patient and understanding with their children as well, and especially to avoid making negative or rude remarks in the presence of a child, no matter how young.
It is touching to see how a cat or dog - especially a dog - attaches itself to a family and wants to share in all its goings and comings. If certain animal psychologists are right, a dog adopts his family in a most literal way - taking it for granted that the family is the band of dogs he belongs to.
It is sometimes said that the cat "takes all and gives nothing."
But is that really true? A cat can teach us a valuable lesson about how to be contented, how to be serene and at ease, how to sit and contemplate. Whereas a dog's constant pleas for attention become, sometimes, a bit too much. Nevertheless it is the dog who can teach us lessons of loyalty and devotion that no cat ever knew.
So there's plenty to be said in favor of keeping pets. But with all that in mind, I still say let's stop keeping pets. Not that a family should kill its pets. Very few could bring themselves to do that. To be practical, I am suggesting that if we do not now have a pet we should not acquire one; second, that if we now have a pet, we let it be our last one. I could never say that pets are bad. I am saying, let's give up this good thing - the ownership of a pet - in favor of a more imperative good.
The purchase, the health care, the feeding and housing and training of a pet - and I chiefly mean the larger, longer-lived pets - cost time and money. Depending on the animal's size and activity, it's special tastes and needs, and the standard of living we establish for it, the care of a pet can cost form a dollar a week to a dollar or more a day. I would not for a moment deny it is worth that.
But facts outside the walls of our home keep breaking in on our awareness. Though we do not see the poverty-stricken people of India and Africa and South America, we can never quite forget that they are there. Now and then their faces are shown in the news, or is the begging ads of relief organizations. Probably we send a donation whenever we can.
But we do not, as a rule, feel a heavy personal responsibility for the afflicted and deprived for we are pretty thoroughly formed by the individualistic, competitive society we live in. The first dime we ever made was ours to spend in any way we chose. No one thought of questioning that. That attitude, formed before we had learned to think, usually prevails through our life: "I made my money. I can spend it any way I like."
But more and more we are reading that the people of the "Third World" feel bitter at us in the developed countries (with the United States far more developed than any of the others) for our seizing hold of two-thirds of the world's wealth and living like kings while they work away all day to earn a bare living.
The money and the time we spend on pets is simply not our own to spend as we like in a time of widespread want add starvation. A relief organization advertises that for $33 a month they can give hospital care to a child suffering from kwashiorkor - the severe dificiency disease which is simply a starving for protein. Doing without such a pet, and then sending the money saved to a relief organization would mean saving a life - over the years, several human lives.
Children not suffering from such a grave disease could be fed with half that amount - not on a diet like ours, but on plain, basic, life-sustaining food. It is not unreasonable to believe that the amount of money we spend on the average pet dog could keep a child alive in a region of great poverty. To give what we would spend on a cat might not feed a child, but it would probably pay for his medical care or basic education. The point needs no laboring. That is all that need be said.
讓我們停止養(yǎng)寵物
寵物是可愛(ài)的，又常討人喜歡。狗和貓――人們喜愛(ài)的寵物，是漂亮和聰明的動(dòng)物。擔(dān)當(dāng)起照料它們的責(zé)任有助于我們?cè)诤⒆由砩仙踔猎谖覀冏约荷砩吓囵B(yǎng)人情味。一只狗或一只貓能教給我們?cè)S多關(guān)于人類的本性的東西。它們比某些人想象的更像人類。不止一個(gè)養(yǎng)狗的人曾經(jīng)說(shuō)過(guò)狗理解他對(duì)它說(shuō)的一切話。所以曾經(jīng)照顧過(guò)寵物的父母可能也會(huì)對(duì)他們的孩子更有耐心和理解，特別是能避免在孩子面前做否定和不禮貌的評(píng)論，不管他年齡多小。
看到貓和狗――特別是狗――對(duì)一個(gè)家庭是如何地依戀，如何地想要分享家里發(fā)生的一切事情，是十分感人的。如果某些動(dòng)物心理學(xué)家是對(duì)的，狗以忠實(shí)的方式接受它的家庭――理所當(dāng)然地認(rèn)為家即是它所屬的那一群狗。
有時(shí)人們說(shuō)貓"索取一切，什么都不給予"。但那是真的嗎?關(guān)于如何滿足，如何安詳自在，如何靜坐深思，貓可以給我們上有價(jià)值的一課。而狗不斷尋求人們和注意，有時(shí)太過(guò)分了。盡管如此，狗能教給我們忠誠(chéng)和獻(xiàn)身，這是貓從不知道的。
于是人們便有許多理由贊成養(yǎng)寵物。但盡管心里明白所有這些理由，我依然要說(shuō)讓我們停止養(yǎng)寵物吧。并不是說(shuō)一個(gè)家庭應(yīng)該殺死他們的寵物，很少有人能使自己做這樣的事。實(shí)際上，我是在建議如果我們現(xiàn)在沒(méi)有養(yǎng)寵物，我們就不要弄一個(gè);第二，如果我們現(xiàn)在有一只寵物，就讓它成為我們的后一只吧。我怎么也不會(huì)說(shuō)寵物很壞;我是說(shuō)，讓我們放棄這個(gè)好東西，去支持一個(gè)更緊迫的有益的事業(yè)吧。
購(gòu)買一只寵物，照顧它的健康、喂養(yǎng)它、給它提供住處、訓(xùn)練它――我主要指的是較大的、較長(zhǎng)壽的寵物――花費(fèi)時(shí)間和錢財(cái)。根據(jù)動(dòng)物的體形大小、活動(dòng)，其特殊口味和需要，我們?yōu)橹⑵鹕顦?biāo)準(zhǔn)，照顧一只寵物的花費(fèi)可能從一周一美元到一天一美元或更多。我從不否認(rèn)喂養(yǎng)它的價(jià)值。
但是我們房子外的事實(shí)卻不斷闖入我們的意識(shí)。雖然我們沒(méi)有看到印度、非洲和南美洲窮困潦倒的人們，我們決不能完全忘記他們的存在。他們的面容不時(shí)出現(xiàn)在新聞里或救濟(jì)組織的求援廣告里。也許我們有能力時(shí)也送去了一份捐助。
但我們通常并不感到對(duì)貧窮的人們負(fù)有重大的個(gè)人責(zé)任，因?yàn)槲覀儙缀跬耆怯晌覀兩钣谄渲械倪@個(gè)個(gè)人主義的、競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的社會(huì)所塑造成的。我們?cè)?jīng)掙得的第一個(gè)十分硬幣是自己的，我們可以選擇花掉它的任何一種方式。沒(méi)人想到對(duì)此提出質(zhì)疑，那種態(tài)度形成于我們學(xué)會(huì)思考之前，通常會(huì)貫穿我們的一生："我掙自己的錢，我可以以我喜歡的任何方式花掉它。"但我們?cè)絹?lái)越多地在閱讀中了解到"第三世界"的人們懷恨發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家的我們，因?yàn)槲覀冋加辛耸澜?/3的財(cái)富，生活得像國(guó)王一樣，而他們整天工作以求糊口。
我們花在寵物身上的金錢和時(shí)間在廣泛渴望幫助和饑餓遍布的時(shí)代絕對(duì)不是我們可以隨心所欲花費(fèi)的私有物。一個(gè)救援組織做廣告說(shuō)，每個(gè)月捐獻(xiàn)33美元就可使一個(gè)患營(yíng)養(yǎng)不良癥的孩子住院治療――這是一種僅僅由于缺乏蛋白質(zhì)而產(chǎn)生的嚴(yán)重營(yíng)養(yǎng)不良疾病。不養(yǎng)寵物，然后把節(jié)省下來(lái)的錢捐給救援組織將意味著挽救一條生命――幾年后，就能挽救幾條生命。
沒(méi)有遭到那種嚴(yán)重疾病的孩子可以用那個(gè)數(shù)目的半數(shù)糊口――不是們那樣的食物，只是一般的、基本的、維持生命的食物。相信我們平均花在寵物狗身上的錢能夠養(yǎng)活一個(gè)特別貧窮地區(qū)的孩子是不過(guò)分的。拿出我們花在貓身上的錢可能養(yǎng)活不了一個(gè)孩子，但它們可能付清他的醫(yī)療費(fèi)或基本教育費(fèi)。這一點(diǎn)無(wú)須詳述，這就是所有要說(shuō)的。
【篇四】
Work, Labor, and Play
So far as I know, Miss Hannah Arendt was the first person to define the essential difference between work and labor. To be happy, a man must feel, firstly, free and, secondly, important. He cannot be really happy if he is compelled by society to do what he does not enjoy doing, or if what he enjoys doing is ignored by society as of no value or importance. In a society where slavery in the strict sense has been abolished, the sign that what a man does is of social value is that he is paid money to do it, but a laborer today can rightly be called a wage slave. A man is a laborer if the job society offers him is of no interest to himself but he is compelled to take it by the necessity of earning a living and supporting his family.
The antithesis to labor is play. When we play a game, we enjoy what we are doing, otherwise we should not play it, but it is a purely private activity; society could not care less whether we play it or not.
Between labor and play stands work. A man is a worker if he is personally interested in the job which society pays him to do; what from the point of view of society is necessary labor is from his own point of view voluntary play. Whether a job is to be classified as labor or work depends, not on the job itself, but on the tastes of the individual who undertakes it. The difference does not, for example, coincide with the difference between a manual and a mental job; a gardener or a cobbler may be a worker, a bank clerk a laborer. Which a man is can be seen from his attitude toward leisure. To a worker, leisure means simply the hours he needs to relax and rest in order to work efficiently. He is therefore more likely to take too little leisure than too much; workers die of coronaries and forget their wives' birthdays. To the laborer, on the other hand, leisure means freedom from compulsion, so that it is natural for him to imagine that the fewer hours he has to spend laboring, and the more hours he is free to play, the better.
What percentage of the population in a modern technological society are, like myself, in the fortunate position of being workers?
At a guess I would say sixteen per cent, and I do not think that figure is likely to get bigger in the future.
Technology and the division of labor have done two things: by eliminating in many fields the need for special strength or skill, they have made a very large number of paid occupations which formerly were enjoyable work into boring labor, and by increasing productivity they have reduced the number of necessary laboring hours. It is already possible to imagine a society in which the majority of the population, that is to say, its laborers, will have almost as much leisure as in ear5lier times was enjoyed by the aristocracy. When one recalls how aristocracies in the past actually behaved, the prospect is not cheerful. Indeed, the problem of dealing with boredom may be even more difficult for such a future mass society than it was for aristocracies. The latter, for example, ritualized their time; there was a season to shoot grouse, a season to spend in town, etc. The masses are more likely to replace an unchanging ritual by fashion which it will be in the economic interest of certain people to change as often as possible. Again, the masses cannot go in for hunting, for very soon there would be no animals left to hunt. For other aristocratic amusements like gambling, dueling, and warfare, it may be only too easy to find equivalents in dangerous driving, drug-taking, and senseless acts of violence. Workers seldom commit acts of violence, because they can put their aggression into their work, be it physical like the work of a smith, or mental like the work of a scientist or an artist. The role of aggression into their work, be it physical like the work of a smith, or mental like the work of a scientist or an artist. The role of aggression in mental work is aptly expressed by the phrase "getting one's teeth into a problem."
工作，勞作和娛樂(lè)
據(jù)我所知，漢納·阿倫特小姐是第一個(gè)給予工作和勞作之間本質(zhì)區(qū)別的人。一個(gè)人要高興，首先要感到自由，其次是感到重要。如果他被社會(huì)*做他不愿做的事，或者他喜歡做的事被社會(huì)忽視，被認(rèn)為無(wú)價(jià)值和不重要，他就不會(huì)真正高興。在一個(gè)從嚴(yán)格意義上來(lái)說(shuō)奴隸制已被廢除的社會(huì)里，一個(gè)人所做的事情具有社會(huì)價(jià)值的樗是他的工作得到了報(bào)酬。但今天的勞動(dòng)者可以恰當(dāng)?shù)胤Q為薪金的奴隸。如果他對(duì)社會(huì)提供給他的工作不感興趣，但出于謀生和養(yǎng)家而*接受，這個(gè)人就稱為勞作者。
與勞作相對(duì)的是玩，當(dāng)玩耍時(shí)我們?cè)谙硎?，否則是不會(huì)去玩的，不過(guò)這純粹是私人活動(dòng)，社會(huì)對(duì)你玩或不玩是極不關(guān)心的。
處于勞作和玩之間的是工作。如果一個(gè)人對(duì)社會(huì)付酬給他的工作感興趣的話，他就是工作者;從社會(huì)的觀點(diǎn)看，工作是必要的勞作也是個(gè)人心目中自愿的玩。例如：這個(gè)區(qū)別不同于體力勞動(dòng)和腦力勞動(dòng)之間的區(qū)別;一個(gè)園藝工人或一個(gè)補(bǔ)鞋匠可能是工作者，一個(gè)銀行職員可能是勞作者。一個(gè)人屬于哪一種可以從他對(duì)休閑的態(tài)度看出來(lái)。對(duì)于工作者來(lái)說(shuō)，休閑只是他為了有效地工作而放松和休息的時(shí)間，所以他可能少休息而不是多休閑。工作者可能致于冠狀動(dòng)脈血栓癥，忘記妻子的生日。反之，對(duì)于勞作者來(lái)說(shuō)，休閑意味著從*中的擺脫，因此他們會(huì)很自然地想花在工作上的時(shí)間越少，自由自在玩的時(shí)間越多就越好。
像我這樣，幸運(yùn)地成為工作者的人現(xiàn)代技術(shù)社會(huì)里占多大比例呢?我猜測(cè)為60%并且我認(rèn)為這個(gè)數(shù)字將來(lái)不可能變大。
技術(shù)和勞動(dòng)分工已產(chǎn)生了兩點(diǎn)影響：通過(guò)在許多領(lǐng)域里減少對(duì)特殊力量和技巧的需求，它們使大量曾經(jīng)愉快的有償勞動(dòng)變成了使人厭煩的工作，通過(guò)提高提高生產(chǎn)率減少了一些必要的勞動(dòng)時(shí)間。已經(jīng)有可能去設(shè)想這樣一個(gè)社會(huì)：大多數(shù)人，即勞作者，將擁有幾乎與早期貴州所享有的一樣多的休閑。當(dāng)一個(gè)人回憶過(guò)去貴族的所作所為，前景就不會(huì)樂(lè)觀了。的確對(duì)于這樣一個(gè)未來(lái)群眾社會(huì)，應(yīng)付無(wú)聊的問(wèn)題比起來(lái)貴族們可能更困難。例如：后者使他們的時(shí)間儀式化，有射獵松雞的季節(jié)、有鎮(zhèn)上度日的季節(jié)等。群眾更可能用時(shí)尚取代千篇一律的程式，而盡可能經(jīng)常地改變時(shí)尚也符合某些人的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益。同樣，群眾也不能都有打獵的愛(ài)好，因?yàn)楹芸炀蜁?huì)沒(méi)有動(dòng)物可供射獵。對(duì)于其他貴族娛樂(lè)活動(dòng)，像賭博、決斗和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，可能很容易在危險(xiǎn)駕駛、吸毒和愚蠢的暴力行為中找到等價(jià)物。工作者很少有暴力行為，因?yàn)樗麄兡馨堰M(jìn)取心放在他們的工作上，不管是鐵匠從事的體力勞動(dòng)，還是科學(xué)家或藝術(shù)家從事的腦力勞動(dòng)。"把牙到某個(gè)問(wèn)題中"這條習(xí)語(yǔ)很貼切地表示出進(jìn)取心在智力工作中的作用。
【篇一】
Let Your Mind Wander
Until recently daydreaming was generally considered either a waste of time or a symptom of neurotic tendencies, and habitual daydreaming was regarded as evidence of maladjustment or an escape from life's realities and responsibilities. It was believed that habitual daydreaming would eventually distance people from society and reduce their effectiveness in coping with real problems. At its best, daydreaming was considered a compensatory substitute for the real things in life.
As with anything carried to excess, daydreaming can be harmful.
There are always those who would substitute fantasy lives for the rewards of real activity. But such extremes are relatively race, and there is a growing body of evidence to support the fact that most people suffer from a lack of daydreaming rather than an excess of it.
We are now beginning to learn how valuable it really is and that when individuals are completely prevented form daydreaming, their emotional balance can be disturbed. Not only are they less able to deal with the pressures of day-to-day existence, but also their self-control and self-direction become endangered.
Recent research indicates that daydreaming is part of daily life and that a certain amount each day is essential for maintaining equilibrium. Daydreaming, science has discovered, is an effective relaxation technique. But its beneficial effects go beyond this.
Experiments show that daydreaming significantly contributes to intellectual growth, powers of concentration, and the ability to interact and communicate with others.
In an experiment with schoolchildren in New York, Dr. Joan Freberg observed improved concentration: "There was less running around, more happy feelings, more talking and playing in the group, and more attention paid to detail."
In another experiment at Yale University. Dr. Jerome Singer found that daydreaming resulted in improved self-control and enhanced creative thinking ability. Daydreaming, Singer pointed out, is one way individuals can improve upon reality. It is, he concluded, a powerful spur to achievement.
But the value of daydreaming does not stop here. It has been found that it improves a person's ability to be better adapted to practical, immediate concerns, to solve everyday problems, and to come up more readily with new ideas. Contrary to popular belief, constant and conscious effort at solving a problem is, in reality, one of the most inefficient ways of coping with it. While conscious initial effort is always necessary, effective solutions to especially severe problems frequently occur when conscious attempts to solve them have been put off. Inability to relax, to let go of a problem, often prevents its solution.
Historically, scientists and inventors are one group that seems to take full advantage of relaxed moments. Their biographies reveal that their best ideas seem to have occurred when they were relaxing and daydreaming. It is ell known, for example, that Newton solved many of his toughest problems when his attention was waylaid by private musings. Thomas Alva Edison also knew the value of "half waking" states. Whenever confronted with a task which seemed too hard to be dealt with, he would stretch out on his laboratory sofa and let fantasies flood mind.
Painters, writers, and composers also have drawn heavily on their sensitivity to inner fantasies. Debussy used to gaze at the River Seine and the golden reflections of the setting sun to establish an atmosphere for creativity. Brahms found that ideas came effortless only when he approached a state of deep daydreaming. And Cesar Frank is said to have walked around with a dreamlike gaze while composing, seemingly totally unaware of his surroundings.
Many successful people actually daydreamed their successes and achievements long before they realized them. Henry J. Kaiser maintained that "you can imagine your future," and he believed that a great part of his business success was due to positive use of daydreams. Harry S. Truman said that he used daydreaming for rest.
Conrad Hilton dreamed of operating a hotel when he was a boy. He recalled that all his accomplishments were first realized in his imagination.
"Great living starts with a picture, held in some person's imagination, of what he would like someday to do or be. Florence Nightingale dreamed of being a nurse. Edison pictured himself an inventor; all such characters escaped the mere push of circumstance by imagining a future so vividly that they headed for it." These are the words of the well-known thinker Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick, and they show that people can literally daydream themselves to success.
Fosdick, aware of the wonderful power of positive daydreaming, offered this advice: "Hold a picture of yourself long and steadily enough in your mind's eye, and you will be drawn toward it. Picture yourself vividly as defeated and that alone will make victory impossible.
Picture yourself as winning and that will contribute remarkably to success. Do not picture yourself as anything, and you will drift like an abandoned ship at sea."
To get the results, you should picture yourself - as vividly as possible - as you want to be. The important thing to remember is to picture these desired objectives as if you had already attained them.
Go over several times the details of these pictures. This will deeply impress them on your memory, and these memory traces will soon start influencing your everyday behavior toward the attainment of the goal.
While exercising your imagination, you should be alone and completely undisturbed. Some individuals seem to have the ability to tune into their private selves in the midst of the noisiest crowds or company. But most of us, especially when the experience is new, require an environment free from outside distraction.
A life lived without fantasy and daydreaming is a seriously impoverished one. Each of us should put aside a few minutes daily, taking short 10- or 15-minute vacations. Daydreaming is highly beneficial to your physical and mental well-being, and you will find that this modest, inexpensive investment in time will add up to a more creative and imaginative, a more satisfied, and a more self-fulfilled you. It offers us a fuller sense of being intensely alive from moment to moment, and this, of course, contributes greatly to the excitement and joy of living.
讓頭腦暢想
直到近白日做夢(mèng)通常被認(rèn)為不中浪費(fèi)時(shí)間就是要患精神病的征兆。習(xí)慣性白日做夢(mèng)被看作精神失調(diào)的證據(jù)或是對(duì)現(xiàn)實(shí)生活和責(zé)任的逃避。人們相信，習(xí)慣性白日作夢(mèng)被認(rèn)為是代替生活現(xiàn)實(shí)的補(bǔ)償品。
任何事情做得過(guò)分都可能有害，白日做夢(mèng)也是一樣?？傆心敲匆恍┤?，他們用想入非非的生活來(lái)代替實(shí)際活動(dòng)得到的好處。但是這一類極端的情況極為罕見(jiàn)，愈來(lái)愈多的資料都能證明這樣一種看法：大多數(shù)人的白日夢(mèng)做得太少了，而不是太多了?，F(xiàn)在我們才開(kāi)始了解到它確實(shí)是那么有價(jià)值。當(dāng)一個(gè)人被禁止做白日夢(mèng)時(shí)，他們的感情平衡就可能被攪亂。不僅使他們更難以對(duì)付日常的生活壓力，而且他們的自我控制和自我定向變得岌岌可危。近的研究表明，白日做夢(mèng)是日常生活的一部分，每天做一定數(shù)量的白日夢(mèng)對(duì)保持平衡是必不可少的。科學(xué)已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)白日夢(mèng)是一種有效的消遣技巧。但它的有利影響不只這一點(diǎn)，實(shí)驗(yàn)表明，白日夢(mèng)特別有助于智力的發(fā)展，有助于全神貫注的能力和與人交往、交流的能力。
在紐約對(duì)學(xué)童的實(shí)驗(yàn)中，瓊·弗雷伯格博士觀察到了注意力的改善："四處亂跑的現(xiàn)象少了，孩子們更開(kāi)心，更愛(ài)一起談話，一起玩了，而且更多地注意細(xì)節(jié)。"
在耶魯大學(xué)的另一個(gè)實(shí)驗(yàn)中，杰羅姆·辛格博士發(fā)現(xiàn)白日做夢(mèng)可以提高自我控制力和增強(qiáng)創(chuàng)造性的思維能力。辛格指出，白日做夢(mèng)是個(gè)人超越現(xiàn)實(shí)的一種方式。他得出一個(gè)結(jié)論，白日做夢(mèng)對(duì)成功是一種強(qiáng)有力的刺激。
但白日夢(mèng)的價(jià)值并非僅限于此。已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)，白日做夢(mèng)能提高一個(gè)人的能力，使他能更好地適應(yīng)實(shí)際的、緊急的事物，解決日常問(wèn)題，并能較容易地提出新的想法。與普通的觀點(diǎn)相反，不斷的、有意識(shí)的努力常常是必需的，但在放棄解決問(wèn)題的有意識(shí)的嘗試時(shí)，對(duì)于特別嚴(yán)重的問(wèn)題的有效的解決方法常常才會(huì)出現(xiàn)。不會(huì)放松，不會(huì)對(duì)某個(gè)問(wèn)題置之不理，常常妨礙問(wèn)題的解決。
歷，科學(xué)家和發(fā)明家似乎屬于充分利用放松時(shí)刻的群體。他們的傳記提示了他們好的想法似乎產(chǎn)生在他們放松和幻想的時(shí)候。例如，眾所周知，牛頓在其注意力被個(gè)人深思打斷時(shí)解決了許多棘手的難題。托馬斯o 愛(ài)迪生也知道"半清醒"狀態(tài)的價(jià)值。不論何時(shí)遇到似乎太難對(duì)付的任務(wù)，他都要舒展四肢躺在他實(shí)驗(yàn)室的沙發(fā)上，讓幻想任意在腦際流淌。
畫(huà)家、作家和作曲家十分依賴對(duì)內(nèi)心幻覺(jué)的敏感性。德彪西常常盯著塞納河和落日的金色反光來(lái)建立一種創(chuàng)造性的氛圍。勃拉姆斯發(fā)現(xiàn)只有當(dāng)他陷入一種深深的幻想狀態(tài)時(shí)，各種想法才會(huì)毫不費(fèi)力地泉涌而出。據(jù)說(shuō)塞薩爾o 弗蘭克作曲時(shí)，像做夢(mèng)一樣凝視著四處走動(dòng)，似乎完全意識(shí)不到他周圍的事物。
許多成功者實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的成功和成就前，實(shí)際上早在做白日夢(mèng)了。亨利丁凱澤堅(jiān)持說(shuō)："你能想象你的未來(lái)。"他相信他的大部分商業(yè)成功是由于幻想的作用。哈利杜魯門說(shuō)他利用幻想來(lái)休息。當(dāng)他還是小男孩時(shí)，康拉德o希爾頓就幻想經(jīng)營(yíng)一家旅館，他回憶他所有的成功都是首先在他的想象中意識(shí)到的。
"偉大的生活開(kāi)始于人們想象中的圖畫(huà)，這就是有一天他愿意去做的事或成為的樣子。弗洛倫斯o南丁格爾想做一名護(hù)士，愛(ài)迪生反自己描繪成發(fā)明家，所有這些人都通過(guò)生動(dòng)形象的想象未來(lái)為之追求，從不幸壓力中解脫出來(lái)。"這就是思想家亨利愛(ài)默森福斯迪克的話，這些話表明人們簡(jiǎn)直可以用幻想并使自己成功。福斯迪克意識(shí)到幻想的強(qiáng)大力量，提出了這樣一條建議："在你心目中，盡量長(zhǎng)期并穩(wěn)定保留你自己的形象，你就會(huì)被驅(qū)使著向這個(gè)方向發(fā)展。把自己生動(dòng)形象地描繪成失敗者，便可使勝利成淡泡影。把自己描繪為勝利者，就會(huì)極大地有助于成功。如果不去描繪自己的未來(lái)，你就會(huì)像大海上的棄船一樣隨波逐流。"
為了獲得成功，你應(yīng)該把自己描繪成你想要成為的樣子--盡可能生動(dòng)形象。要記住的重要一點(diǎn)是描述這些形象的細(xì)節(jié)，這將深深地把它們銘刻在你的記憶中，這些記憶痕將很快影響你的日常行為，直至達(dá)到目標(biāo)。
在想象時(shí)，你應(yīng)該獨(dú)處，而且絲毫不受外界干擾。有些人似乎能在嘈雜的人群中進(jìn)行自我調(diào)節(jié)，進(jìn)入安靜狀態(tài)。但我們中的大部分人，特別是在剛開(kāi)始做白日夢(mèng)時(shí)，需要一種免受外界干擾的環(huán)境。
沒(méi)有想象和幻想的生活是極為貧乏的生活。我們每個(gè)人應(yīng)該每天拿出幾分鐘時(shí)間，讓自己享受10到15分鐘的假期。白日做夢(mèng)對(duì)你的身心健康有益，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)這一小小的廉價(jià)的時(shí)間投資終帶來(lái)的是一個(gè)更有創(chuàng)造性、更富想象力、更心滿意足和更躊躇滿志的你。它常常便我們更充分地意識(shí)到生活的緊張激烈，這當(dāng)然大大有助于增加生活的興奮和樂(lè)趣。
【篇二】
To Sleep, Perchance to Dream
So you awoke this morning in a miserable mood. Well, maybe your special dream character didn't put in an appearance last night, or maybe there just weren't enough people drifting through your dreams.
If that sounds like far-fetched fantasy, consider these interesting findings that have emerged from eight years of sleep and dream research at the Veterans Administration Hospital in Cincinnati, Ohio:While sleep affects how sleepy, friendly, aggressive, and unhappy we feel after awakening, feelings of happiness or unhappiness depend most strongly on our dreams.
Each of us has a special dream character, a type of person whose appearance in our dreams makes us feel happier when we awake.
What we dream at night isn't as important to how we feel in the morning as the number of people who appear in our dreams. The more people, the better we feel.
Our sleep influences our mood. Our mood, in turn, affects our performance. And throughout the day, our levels of mood and performance remain closely linked.
During the past two decades, research has greatly expanded our knowledge about sleep and dreams. Scientists have identified various stages of sleep, and they have found that humans can function well on very little sleep, but only if they dream. Yet the true function of sleep and dreaming continues to elude precise explanation.
In 1970 Milton Kramer and Thomas Roth, researchers at the VA Hospital and the University of Cincinnati College of Medicine, respectively, raised this question: Do our moods in the morning relate in any way to our sleep and dreams the previous night?
Human experience suggests that they do. Certainly we generally feel better after a good night's sleep. But Drs. Kramer and Roth sought a much more definitive answer. And that answer, though still evolving, is positive yes.
Kramer and Roth began by seeking to determine whether one's mood differs between night and morning, and whether this is related directly to sleep. They found that there is a difference, and its is definitely related to sleep. Then they explored the various aspects of mood and their relationship to the various stages of sleep and dreaming.
What does a good night's sleep mean to our mood? Generally we are happier, less aggressive, sleepier, and a bit surprisingly, less friendly. Being sleepier is easily explained. It simply takes a little time to become fully alert after awakening.
But why should we feel less friendly? Here the researchers must speculate a little. They suggest the answer may be the lack of association with other humans during the period of sleep.
Once the two doctors established scientifically what common sense and folk wisdom had long taught - namely, that there is link between sleep and how we feel - they set out to learn what parts of our mood are related to which specific parts of the sleep cycle.
Normal sleep is broken into five distinct parts - Stages 1 through 4, plus REM, an acronym for rapid eye movement. Much remains unknown about each of the five sleep stages. Most dreaming occurs during REM sleep, a period when the eyeballs move rapidly beneath the closed lids. And whether they remember or not, all adults dream, usually four to six times a night.
Three types of mood are strongly related to some specific stage of sleep. Our friendly, aggressive, and sleepy feelings all relate to Stage 2 sleep, which accounts for most of our total sleep hours. Our friendly and sleepy feelings, but not our aggressive feelings, are affected as well by Stages 3 and 4, and by how long it takes us to fall asleep.
This means that if you get less sleep than normal - and people vary a great deal in how much sleep they normally require - you awake more friendly, more aggressive, and less sleepy.
At this point, the doctors found themselves puzzled. They knew from their earlier work that sleep determines if people feel happier.
Yet when they studied the various sleep stages, they found no correlation between sleep physiology and the unhappy mood. Clearly sleep made a difference, but that difference didn't relate to how much time one spent in each of the various sleep stages.
The two researchers decided the key to whether we feel happy or unhappy after sleep must lie in sleep's psychological component - our dreams. So they began studying dream content - what dreamers dreamed and who appeared in their dreams - to see how this affected mood.
Instead of sleeping through the night, volunteers now were awakened four times while in REM sleep. They were asked about such things as what their dreams were about; the sex, age, identity, and number of the people in their dreams; and what each person in a dream was doing.
Interestingly, Kramer and Roth found that being awakened four times a night didn't make a difference in the volunteers' morning mood patterns. But they did find that who appears in a dream has a far greater influence on mood than what occurs in the dream. "Who affects all the moods," Kramer says, "but primarily the unhappy mood."
Each of us, it turns out, has a special dream character, and if this type of character appears in our dreams, we are happier when we awake. "For people in general, how unhappy you feel after sleep depends on who is in the dream," Kramer says. "Who it is that makes you happier is different for you than for me." For some it may be an older woman, for example; for others, a young man.
Who appears in your dream isn't the only important thing. The more people who appear in your dreams the happier you are on awakening. It's a case of the more the merrier. "The bad thing in a dream is to be alone; you feel worse," Kramer explains. "You can relate this to wakening psychology, where being alone leads to more unhappiness. There is something about interacting with people that produces happiness."
A number of researchers have examined the relationship of mood and performance. The doctors also checked into this relationship, and they have found some interesting correlations.
"We found that the more friendly, more aggressive, more clear-thinking, less sleepy, and surprisingly, the more unhappy you are, the better you perform. That last one - the unhappy - I can't explain," Kramer says. Moreover, the level of person's moods and the level of his or her performance rise and fall together throughout the day.
Initially the two VA researchers worked only with men, because the dreams of men are far easier to study. Men and women dream differently. Indeed, sex is the biggest factor in accounting for differences in the people activities, locations and feelings that occur in dreams. Dr. Kramer says, "When you compare men and women, you get a greater difference in dream content than when you compare, say, 20- and 60-year-olds, or black and white."
Last year the VA researchers began studying the relationship of sleep, dreams, and mood in women. This work is continuing, but the initial findings reinforce what they had found in men.
"Overall, the women are just like men," Kramer says.
睡覺(jué)，偶爾做做夢(mèng)
這么說(shuō)，你今天早上醒來(lái)時(shí)心情很糟。唔，或許你的特別的夢(mèng)中人昨夜未曾入夢(mèng)來(lái)，或許只是沒(méi)有足夠的人進(jìn)入你的夢(mèng)境。
如果那聽(tīng)起來(lái)像靠不住的空想，想一想在俄亥俄州辛辛那提的退伍軍人管理醫(yī)院進(jìn)行的對(duì)睡眠和做夢(mèng)的八年研究中發(fā)現(xiàn)的有趣結(jié)果吧。
雖然睡眠影響我們醒來(lái)后是否疲倦、友好、好勝、不開(kāi)心，感覺(jué)開(kāi)心與否主要在于我們的夢(mèng)。
我們每個(gè)人都有一個(gè)特別的夢(mèng)中人，一個(gè)在我們的夢(mèng)中出現(xiàn)、醒來(lái)時(shí)使我們感覺(jué)更開(kāi)心的人。
在夜里夢(mèng)到什么對(duì)于我們?cè)缟细杏X(jué)如何并不比我們夢(mèng)里出現(xiàn)的人數(shù)更重要。夢(mèng)中人數(shù)越多，我們感覺(jué)越好。
夢(mèng)影響我們的情緒，我們的情緒進(jìn)而影響我們的行為，一整天，我們情緒高昂亦或低落的行為總是密切相關(guān)。
在過(guò)去的20年里，研究大大地?cái)U(kuò)展了我們對(duì)睡眠的夢(mèng)的知識(shí)。科學(xué)家們已經(jīng)可以識(shí)別不同的睡眠階段，而且發(fā)現(xiàn)，人在睡眠很少的情況下，機(jī)體仍然很好的運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)，但只是在睡眠時(shí)做了夢(mèng)才如此。而睡眠和做夢(mèng)真正的功能依然得不到準(zhǔn)確的解釋。
1970年，VA醫(yī)院和辛辛那提大學(xué)醫(yī)學(xué)院的研究者米爾頓·克萊默和托馬斯·羅斯，分別提出了這個(gè)問(wèn)題：我們?cè)绯康那榫w與我們前一天夜里的睡眠和做夢(mèng)有某種關(guān)系嗎?
人們的經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明它們是有關(guān)系的。當(dāng)然，在一夜足睡的時(shí)候，我們一般會(huì)感覺(jué)良好。但是克萊默和羅斯醫(yī)生發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個(gè)更明確的答案，雖然這個(gè)答案仍在逐步形成中，但答案確是肯定的。
克萊默和羅斯開(kāi)始于探求一個(gè)人的情緒在早上和晚上是否不同，是否與睡眠有直接關(guān)系。他們發(fā)現(xiàn)確實(shí)是不同的，也確實(shí)與睡眠有關(guān)。接著，他們研究了情緒的不同方面和它們的睡眠和夢(mèng)不同階段的關(guān)系。
一晚的好覺(jué)對(duì)我們的心情意味著什么?通常我們會(huì)更開(kāi)心、不那么有攻擊性、更困倦，而且令人感到有點(diǎn)吃驚的是，居然不那么友好。更困倦的容易解釋，只是需要一點(diǎn)時(shí)間在醒來(lái)后使自己完全清醒。
但為什么我們會(huì)感到不那么友好呢?這里研究者得做一些推測(cè)，他們認(rèn)為答案可能是睡眠期間缺少與他人的交流。
兩位醫(yī)生一旦把常識(shí)和民間智慧長(zhǎng)期教給他們的東西--即睡眠與我們的感覺(jué)之間有聯(lián)系--科學(xué)地確定下來(lái)，他們就著手了解我們的情緒的哪些部分與睡眠周期的哪些具體部分有關(guān)。
正常睡眠可劃分為五個(gè)不同部分，從第一階段到第四階段，加上REM。每一個(gè)階段都有許多人們未知的知識(shí)。大部分的夢(mèng)發(fā)生在REM睡眠期間，眼球在緊閉的眼瞼下快速移動(dòng)。不管成年人是否記得，他們都做夢(mèng)，通常一夜4到6次。三種情緒和睡眠的某一階段緊密相關(guān)。我們友好的、有攻擊性的、困倦和睡眠的某一階段緊密有關(guān)。我們大部分的睡眠在第二階段。我們友好的、困倦的、但沒(méi)有攻擊性的睡眠時(shí)間也受到第三、第四階段以及我們多久才能入睡的影響。
這就意味著如果你比平時(shí)睡得少些--在政黨情況下需要多少睡眠，人與人之間是有很大差別的--你醒后就會(huì)更加友好、更有攻擊性、少些困倦。
在這一點(diǎn)上，醫(yī)生們自己也感到困惑。在他們以前的研究中，他們知道睡眠決定著人們是否會(huì)更高興。然而，當(dāng)他們研究各個(gè)睡眠階段時(shí)，他們發(fā)現(xiàn)在睡眠的生理狀況和憂郁的情緒之間沒(méi)有關(guān)系。很顯然，睡眠會(huì)帶來(lái)差異，但是這種差異與人們花在每一睡眠階段的時(shí)間長(zhǎng)短沒(méi)有關(guān)系。
兩位研究者斷言，睡眠以后我們是否感覺(jué)高興的關(guān)鍵肯定是取決于睡眠的心理構(gòu)成部分--我們的夢(mèng)。所以他們就開(kāi)始研究夢(mèng)的內(nèi)容：人們夢(mèng)到了什么、誰(shuí)大夢(mèng)中出現(xiàn)--來(lái)弄清楚夢(mèng)會(huì)怎樣影響到情緒。
參加試驗(yàn)的志愿者不能整夜睡眠，相反，在REM睡眠中，他們被喚醒四次，
然后回答問(wèn)題，如他們夢(mèng)的內(nèi)容、夢(mèng)中人物的性別、年齡、身份和數(shù)量，以及夢(mèng)中每一個(gè)的所作所為。
令人感興趣的是，克萊默和羅斯發(fā)現(xiàn)一夜被喚醒四次并沒(méi)有使志愿者早上的情緒模式發(fā)生改變。但他們卻發(fā)現(xiàn)誰(shuí)出現(xiàn)在夢(mèng)中比夢(mèng)里發(fā)生什么事對(duì)情緒具有非常大的影響。"夢(mèng)中出現(xiàn)的人物影響著所有的情況，"克萊默說(shuō)，"但首要的是不高興的情緒。"
結(jié)果是我們每一個(gè)人都有一個(gè)特殊的夢(mèng)中人物，如果這個(gè)人出現(xiàn)在夢(mèng)中，我們醒后就會(huì)感到很高興。"對(duì)一般人來(lái)說(shuō)，這個(gè)人可能是一位老太太，對(duì)另外一些人來(lái)講，可能是一位年輕男子。"
誰(shuí)出現(xiàn)在你夢(mèng)中并不是重要的事情。夢(mèng)中出現(xiàn)的人物越多，你醒來(lái)時(shí)就會(huì)更加高興。它是一種夢(mèng)中人愈多愈高興的情況。"夢(mèng)中如果你孤身一人，你的感覺(jué)就不會(huì)很好，"克萊默解釋說(shuō)，"你可以把這一點(diǎn)與人們睡醒時(shí)的心理聯(lián)系起來(lái)，在剛睡醒的狀態(tài)下孤單一人只會(huì)導(dǎo)致較多的不快。這是因?yàn)榕c人交際才能令人高興。"
一些研究人員已經(jīng)探討了情緒和行為的關(guān)系，醫(yī)生們也深入研究了這種關(guān)系。而且他們已經(jīng)發(fā)現(xiàn)了一些有趣的相互關(guān)系。
克萊默說(shuō)："我們發(fā)現(xiàn)，人越友好、越有銳氣、思維越清晰，也就越一困倦，令人驚奇的是，你越不高興，但是活兒卻干得越好。后這種情況不高興--我解釋不了。"而且一個(gè)人情緒水平和他行為水平在一天中的上下波動(dòng)總是一致的。
初，退伍軍人管理醫(yī)院的研究只對(duì)男人進(jìn)行了研究，因?yàn)槟腥说膲?mèng)研究起來(lái)容易得多。男人的夢(mèng)和女人的夢(mèng)是不同的。的確，在解釋夢(mèng)中出現(xiàn)的人物、他們的活動(dòng)、活動(dòng)地點(diǎn)和他們的感覺(jué)差異時(shí)，性別是重要的因素?？巳R默醫(yī)生說(shuō)："但你對(duì)比男人和女人時(shí)，你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)他們夢(mèng)的內(nèi)容有很大的不同，這種不同與你比較，比如20歲和60歲的人或者黑人和白人要大得多。"
去年，退伍軍人管理醫(yī)院的研究者開(kāi)始研究婦女的睡眠、做夢(mèng)和情緒的關(guān)系。這項(xiàng)工作正在繼續(xù)進(jìn)行，但是一開(kāi)始的發(fā)現(xiàn)有力地證實(shí)了他們?cè)趯?duì)男人研究時(shí)的發(fā)現(xiàn)。
"總的來(lái)說(shuō)，男人和女人幾乎沒(méi)有什么兩樣，"克萊默說(shuō)。
【篇三】
Let's Stop Keeping Pets
Pets are lovable, frequently delightful. The dog and the cat, the most favored of pets, are beautiful, intelligent animals. To assume the care for them can help bring out the humanity in our children and even in us. A dog or a cat can teach us a lot about human nature; they are a lot more like us than some might think. More than one owner of a dog has said that the animal understands everything he says to it. So a mother and father who have ever cared for pets are likely to be more patient and understanding with their children as well, and especially to avoid making negative or rude remarks in the presence of a child, no matter how young.
It is touching to see how a cat or dog - especially a dog - attaches itself to a family and wants to share in all its goings and comings. If certain animal psychologists are right, a dog adopts his family in a most literal way - taking it for granted that the family is the band of dogs he belongs to.
It is sometimes said that the cat "takes all and gives nothing."
But is that really true? A cat can teach us a valuable lesson about how to be contented, how to be serene and at ease, how to sit and contemplate. Whereas a dog's constant pleas for attention become, sometimes, a bit too much. Nevertheless it is the dog who can teach us lessons of loyalty and devotion that no cat ever knew.
So there's plenty to be said in favor of keeping pets. But with all that in mind, I still say let's stop keeping pets. Not that a family should kill its pets. Very few could bring themselves to do that. To be practical, I am suggesting that if we do not now have a pet we should not acquire one; second, that if we now have a pet, we let it be our last one. I could never say that pets are bad. I am saying, let's give up this good thing - the ownership of a pet - in favor of a more imperative good.
The purchase, the health care, the feeding and housing and training of a pet - and I chiefly mean the larger, longer-lived pets - cost time and money. Depending on the animal's size and activity, it's special tastes and needs, and the standard of living we establish for it, the care of a pet can cost form a dollar a week to a dollar or more a day. I would not for a moment deny it is worth that.
But facts outside the walls of our home keep breaking in on our awareness. Though we do not see the poverty-stricken people of India and Africa and South America, we can never quite forget that they are there. Now and then their faces are shown in the news, or is the begging ads of relief organizations. Probably we send a donation whenever we can.
But we do not, as a rule, feel a heavy personal responsibility for the afflicted and deprived for we are pretty thoroughly formed by the individualistic, competitive society we live in. The first dime we ever made was ours to spend in any way we chose. No one thought of questioning that. That attitude, formed before we had learned to think, usually prevails through our life: "I made my money. I can spend it any way I like."
But more and more we are reading that the people of the "Third World" feel bitter at us in the developed countries (with the United States far more developed than any of the others) for our seizing hold of two-thirds of the world's wealth and living like kings while they work away all day to earn a bare living.
The money and the time we spend on pets is simply not our own to spend as we like in a time of widespread want add starvation. A relief organization advertises that for $33 a month they can give hospital care to a child suffering from kwashiorkor - the severe dificiency disease which is simply a starving for protein. Doing without such a pet, and then sending the money saved to a relief organization would mean saving a life - over the years, several human lives.
Children not suffering from such a grave disease could be fed with half that amount - not on a diet like ours, but on plain, basic, life-sustaining food. It is not unreasonable to believe that the amount of money we spend on the average pet dog could keep a child alive in a region of great poverty. To give what we would spend on a cat might not feed a child, but it would probably pay for his medical care or basic education. The point needs no laboring. That is all that need be said.
讓我們停止養(yǎng)寵物
寵物是可愛(ài)的，又常討人喜歡。狗和貓――人們喜愛(ài)的寵物，是漂亮和聰明的動(dòng)物。擔(dān)當(dāng)起照料它們的責(zé)任有助于我們?cè)诤⒆由砩仙踔猎谖覀冏约荷砩吓囵B(yǎng)人情味。一只狗或一只貓能教給我們?cè)S多關(guān)于人類的本性的東西。它們比某些人想象的更像人類。不止一個(gè)養(yǎng)狗的人曾經(jīng)說(shuō)過(guò)狗理解他對(duì)它說(shuō)的一切話。所以曾經(jīng)照顧過(guò)寵物的父母可能也會(huì)對(duì)他們的孩子更有耐心和理解，特別是能避免在孩子面前做否定和不禮貌的評(píng)論，不管他年齡多小。
看到貓和狗――特別是狗――對(duì)一個(gè)家庭是如何地依戀，如何地想要分享家里發(fā)生的一切事情，是十分感人的。如果某些動(dòng)物心理學(xué)家是對(duì)的，狗以忠實(shí)的方式接受它的家庭――理所當(dāng)然地認(rèn)為家即是它所屬的那一群狗。
有時(shí)人們說(shuō)貓"索取一切，什么都不給予"。但那是真的嗎?關(guān)于如何滿足，如何安詳自在，如何靜坐深思，貓可以給我們上有價(jià)值的一課。而狗不斷尋求人們和注意，有時(shí)太過(guò)分了。盡管如此，狗能教給我們忠誠(chéng)和獻(xiàn)身，這是貓從不知道的。
于是人們便有許多理由贊成養(yǎng)寵物。但盡管心里明白所有這些理由，我依然要說(shuō)讓我們停止養(yǎng)寵物吧。并不是說(shuō)一個(gè)家庭應(yīng)該殺死他們的寵物，很少有人能使自己做這樣的事。實(shí)際上，我是在建議如果我們現(xiàn)在沒(méi)有養(yǎng)寵物，我們就不要弄一個(gè);第二，如果我們現(xiàn)在有一只寵物，就讓它成為我們的后一只吧。我怎么也不會(huì)說(shuō)寵物很壞;我是說(shuō)，讓我們放棄這個(gè)好東西，去支持一個(gè)更緊迫的有益的事業(yè)吧。
購(gòu)買一只寵物，照顧它的健康、喂養(yǎng)它、給它提供住處、訓(xùn)練它――我主要指的是較大的、較長(zhǎng)壽的寵物――花費(fèi)時(shí)間和錢財(cái)。根據(jù)動(dòng)物的體形大小、活動(dòng)，其特殊口味和需要，我們?yōu)橹⑵鹕顦?biāo)準(zhǔn)，照顧一只寵物的花費(fèi)可能從一周一美元到一天一美元或更多。我從不否認(rèn)喂養(yǎng)它的價(jià)值。
但是我們房子外的事實(shí)卻不斷闖入我們的意識(shí)。雖然我們沒(méi)有看到印度、非洲和南美洲窮困潦倒的人們，我們決不能完全忘記他們的存在。他們的面容不時(shí)出現(xiàn)在新聞里或救濟(jì)組織的求援廣告里。也許我們有能力時(shí)也送去了一份捐助。
但我們通常并不感到對(duì)貧窮的人們負(fù)有重大的個(gè)人責(zé)任，因?yàn)槲覀儙缀跬耆怯晌覀兩钣谄渲械倪@個(gè)個(gè)人主義的、競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的社會(huì)所塑造成的。我們?cè)?jīng)掙得的第一個(gè)十分硬幣是自己的，我們可以選擇花掉它的任何一種方式。沒(méi)人想到對(duì)此提出質(zhì)疑，那種態(tài)度形成于我們學(xué)會(huì)思考之前，通常會(huì)貫穿我們的一生："我掙自己的錢，我可以以我喜歡的任何方式花掉它。"但我們?cè)絹?lái)越多地在閱讀中了解到"第三世界"的人們懷恨發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家的我們，因?yàn)槲覀冋加辛耸澜?/3的財(cái)富，生活得像國(guó)王一樣，而他們整天工作以求糊口。
我們花在寵物身上的金錢和時(shí)間在廣泛渴望幫助和饑餓遍布的時(shí)代絕對(duì)不是我們可以隨心所欲花費(fèi)的私有物。一個(gè)救援組織做廣告說(shuō)，每個(gè)月捐獻(xiàn)33美元就可使一個(gè)患營(yíng)養(yǎng)不良癥的孩子住院治療――這是一種僅僅由于缺乏蛋白質(zhì)而產(chǎn)生的嚴(yán)重營(yíng)養(yǎng)不良疾病。不養(yǎng)寵物，然后把節(jié)省下來(lái)的錢捐給救援組織將意味著挽救一條生命――幾年后，就能挽救幾條生命。
沒(méi)有遭到那種嚴(yán)重疾病的孩子可以用那個(gè)數(shù)目的半數(shù)糊口――不是們那樣的食物，只是一般的、基本的、維持生命的食物。相信我們平均花在寵物狗身上的錢能夠養(yǎng)活一個(gè)特別貧窮地區(qū)的孩子是不過(guò)分的。拿出我們花在貓身上的錢可能養(yǎng)活不了一個(gè)孩子，但它們可能付清他的醫(yī)療費(fèi)或基本教育費(fèi)。這一點(diǎn)無(wú)須詳述，這就是所有要說(shuō)的。
【篇四】
Work, Labor, and Play
So far as I know, Miss Hannah Arendt was the first person to define the essential difference between work and labor. To be happy, a man must feel, firstly, free and, secondly, important. He cannot be really happy if he is compelled by society to do what he does not enjoy doing, or if what he enjoys doing is ignored by society as of no value or importance. In a society where slavery in the strict sense has been abolished, the sign that what a man does is of social value is that he is paid money to do it, but a laborer today can rightly be called a wage slave. A man is a laborer if the job society offers him is of no interest to himself but he is compelled to take it by the necessity of earning a living and supporting his family.
The antithesis to labor is play. When we play a game, we enjoy what we are doing, otherwise we should not play it, but it is a purely private activity; society could not care less whether we play it or not.
Between labor and play stands work. A man is a worker if he is personally interested in the job which society pays him to do; what from the point of view of society is necessary labor is from his own point of view voluntary play. Whether a job is to be classified as labor or work depends, not on the job itself, but on the tastes of the individual who undertakes it. The difference does not, for example, coincide with the difference between a manual and a mental job; a gardener or a cobbler may be a worker, a bank clerk a laborer. Which a man is can be seen from his attitude toward leisure. To a worker, leisure means simply the hours he needs to relax and rest in order to work efficiently. He is therefore more likely to take too little leisure than too much; workers die of coronaries and forget their wives' birthdays. To the laborer, on the other hand, leisure means freedom from compulsion, so that it is natural for him to imagine that the fewer hours he has to spend laboring, and the more hours he is free to play, the better.
What percentage of the population in a modern technological society are, like myself, in the fortunate position of being workers?
At a guess I would say sixteen per cent, and I do not think that figure is likely to get bigger in the future.
Technology and the division of labor have done two things: by eliminating in many fields the need for special strength or skill, they have made a very large number of paid occupations which formerly were enjoyable work into boring labor, and by increasing productivity they have reduced the number of necessary laboring hours. It is already possible to imagine a society in which the majority of the population, that is to say, its laborers, will have almost as much leisure as in ear5lier times was enjoyed by the aristocracy. When one recalls how aristocracies in the past actually behaved, the prospect is not cheerful. Indeed, the problem of dealing with boredom may be even more difficult for such a future mass society than it was for aristocracies. The latter, for example, ritualized their time; there was a season to shoot grouse, a season to spend in town, etc. The masses are more likely to replace an unchanging ritual by fashion which it will be in the economic interest of certain people to change as often as possible. Again, the masses cannot go in for hunting, for very soon there would be no animals left to hunt. For other aristocratic amusements like gambling, dueling, and warfare, it may be only too easy to find equivalents in dangerous driving, drug-taking, and senseless acts of violence. Workers seldom commit acts of violence, because they can put their aggression into their work, be it physical like the work of a smith, or mental like the work of a scientist or an artist. The role of aggression into their work, be it physical like the work of a smith, or mental like the work of a scientist or an artist. The role of aggression in mental work is aptly expressed by the phrase "getting one's teeth into a problem."
工作，勞作和娛樂(lè)
據(jù)我所知，漢納·阿倫特小姐是第一個(gè)給予工作和勞作之間本質(zhì)區(qū)別的人。一個(gè)人要高興，首先要感到自由，其次是感到重要。如果他被社會(huì)*做他不愿做的事，或者他喜歡做的事被社會(huì)忽視，被認(rèn)為無(wú)價(jià)值和不重要，他就不會(huì)真正高興。在一個(gè)從嚴(yán)格意義上來(lái)說(shuō)奴隸制已被廢除的社會(huì)里，一個(gè)人所做的事情具有社會(huì)價(jià)值的樗是他的工作得到了報(bào)酬。但今天的勞動(dòng)者可以恰當(dāng)?shù)胤Q為薪金的奴隸。如果他對(duì)社會(huì)提供給他的工作不感興趣，但出于謀生和養(yǎng)家而*接受，這個(gè)人就稱為勞作者。
與勞作相對(duì)的是玩，當(dāng)玩耍時(shí)我們?cè)谙硎?，否則是不會(huì)去玩的，不過(guò)這純粹是私人活動(dòng)，社會(huì)對(duì)你玩或不玩是極不關(guān)心的。
處于勞作和玩之間的是工作。如果一個(gè)人對(duì)社會(huì)付酬給他的工作感興趣的話，他就是工作者;從社會(huì)的觀點(diǎn)看，工作是必要的勞作也是個(gè)人心目中自愿的玩。例如：這個(gè)區(qū)別不同于體力勞動(dòng)和腦力勞動(dòng)之間的區(qū)別;一個(gè)園藝工人或一個(gè)補(bǔ)鞋匠可能是工作者，一個(gè)銀行職員可能是勞作者。一個(gè)人屬于哪一種可以從他對(duì)休閑的態(tài)度看出來(lái)。對(duì)于工作者來(lái)說(shuō)，休閑只是他為了有效地工作而放松和休息的時(shí)間，所以他可能少休息而不是多休閑。工作者可能致于冠狀動(dòng)脈血栓癥，忘記妻子的生日。反之，對(duì)于勞作者來(lái)說(shuō)，休閑意味著從*中的擺脫，因此他們會(huì)很自然地想花在工作上的時(shí)間越少，自由自在玩的時(shí)間越多就越好。
像我這樣，幸運(yùn)地成為工作者的人現(xiàn)代技術(shù)社會(huì)里占多大比例呢?我猜測(cè)為60%并且我認(rèn)為這個(gè)數(shù)字將來(lái)不可能變大。
技術(shù)和勞動(dòng)分工已產(chǎn)生了兩點(diǎn)影響：通過(guò)在許多領(lǐng)域里減少對(duì)特殊力量和技巧的需求，它們使大量曾經(jīng)愉快的有償勞動(dòng)變成了使人厭煩的工作，通過(guò)提高提高生產(chǎn)率減少了一些必要的勞動(dòng)時(shí)間。已經(jīng)有可能去設(shè)想這樣一個(gè)社會(huì)：大多數(shù)人，即勞作者，將擁有幾乎與早期貴州所享有的一樣多的休閑。當(dāng)一個(gè)人回憶過(guò)去貴族的所作所為，前景就不會(huì)樂(lè)觀了。的確對(duì)于這樣一個(gè)未來(lái)群眾社會(huì)，應(yīng)付無(wú)聊的問(wèn)題比起來(lái)貴族們可能更困難。例如：后者使他們的時(shí)間儀式化，有射獵松雞的季節(jié)、有鎮(zhèn)上度日的季節(jié)等。群眾更可能用時(shí)尚取代千篇一律的程式，而盡可能經(jīng)常地改變時(shí)尚也符合某些人的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益。同樣，群眾也不能都有打獵的愛(ài)好，因?yàn)楹芸炀蜁?huì)沒(méi)有動(dòng)物可供射獵。對(duì)于其他貴族娛樂(lè)活動(dòng)，像賭博、決斗和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，可能很容易在危險(xiǎn)駕駛、吸毒和愚蠢的暴力行為中找到等價(jià)物。工作者很少有暴力行為，因?yàn)樗麄兡馨堰M(jìn)取心放在他們的工作上，不管是鐵匠從事的體力勞動(dòng)，還是科學(xué)家或藝術(shù)家從事的腦力勞動(dòng)。"把牙到某個(gè)問(wèn)題中"這條習(xí)語(yǔ)很貼切地表示出進(jìn)取心在智力工作中的作用。