Thank you!
Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush， President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn
pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spare
d new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on
the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and
expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our
times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The yearsand changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
謝謝你們！
首席大法官倫奎斯特,卡特總統(tǒng),布什總統(tǒng),克林頓總統(tǒng),尊敬的各位來賓,我的同胞們,權(quán)力的和平過渡在歷是罕見的,但在美國是平常的。用一個(gè)簡單的誓言,我們確認(rèn)舊傳統(tǒng)和新的開始。
首先,我要感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)為他的服務(wù)我們的國家。
也感謝副總統(tǒng)戈?duì)栐诟傔x過程中的熱情與風(fēng)度。
我的榮幸,站在這里,所以許多美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人出現(xiàn)在我面前,所以許多人會(huì)效仿。
我們有一個(gè)地方,所有的人,在很長一段故事,一個(gè)故事,我們繼續(xù),但他們的結(jié)局我們不會(huì)看到。的故事,一個(gè)新的世界,成為朋友和舊的解放者,蓄奴的故事的社會(huì)成為一個(gè)自由的仆人,一個(gè)力量的故事走進(jìn)世界保護(hù)但不具備保護(hù)而不是征服。
這是美國的故事——一個(gè)有缺陷的和不可靠的人的故事,曼聯(lián)在代偉和持久的理想。
這些理想展開美國偉大的,每個(gè)人都是,每個(gè)人都應(yīng)該得到一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì),從來沒有無關(guān)緊要的人誕生了。
美國人就是要竭力將這個(gè)在我們的生活和我們的法律。雖然我們的國家有時(shí)停滯不前,有時(shí)候推遲,我們必須遵循沒有其他課程。
通過上個(gè)世紀(jì)的大部分時(shí)間,美國人對自由和民主的信念猶如洶涌大海中的巖石?，F(xiàn)在是在風(fēng)中一粒種子,扎根在許多國家。
我們的民主信仰不僅僅是我們國家的信條,它是我們?nèi)祟惖奶焐南Ｍ?理想我們攜帶但不擁有,信任我們承受和傳遞。甚至在近225年之后,我們還有很長的路去旅行。
雖然我們的許多公民繁榮,別人懷疑的,即使是正義,我們自己的國家。一些美國人的雄心受到失敗的學(xué)校教育,潛在的偏見和出身的環(huán)境。有時(shí)我們的分歧如此之深,似乎我們共享一個(gè)大陸,而不是一個(gè)國家。
我們不接受這個(gè),我們不會(huì)允許它。我們的團(tuán)結(jié),我們的聯(lián)盟,是在每一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和公民的嚴(yán)肅的工作。這是我莊嚴(yán)
:我將努力建立一個(gè)公正、充滿機(jī)會(huì)的國家。
我知道這是在我們到達(dá),因?yàn)槲覀兪歉哂谝磺械牧α繉⒁龑?dǎo)我們自己的身形創(chuàng)造了我們,上帝在他的形象。
我們有信心將我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來并指引我們向前的原則。
美國從未被血液或美國出生或土壤。只有理想,讓我們超越我們的背景,提升我們以上利益和教我們什么是公民。每個(gè)孩子都必須教這些原則。每個(gè)公民都必須堅(jiān)持。每個(gè)移民,通過擁抱這些理想,使我國更多,而不是更少,美國。
今天,我們確認(rèn)一個(gè)新的,活出我們國家的通過禮貌、勇氣,同情和性格。
美國好的匹配與關(guān)心禮貌原則的。公民社會(huì)要求我們每個(gè)人善意和尊重、公平交易和寬恕。
一些似乎認(rèn)為,我們的政治可以是瑣碎的,因?yàn)樵诤推綍r(shí)期,我們的辯論中出現(xiàn)小的股份。
但賭注為美國永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)小。如果我們的國家不自由的原因,它不會(huì)導(dǎo)致。如果我們不把的孩子們真心地?zé)釔壑R、發(fā)揮個(gè)性,我們將失去他們的禮物和破壞他們的理想主義。如果我們不采取適當(dāng)措施,任憑經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退,大的受害者將是平民百姓。
我們必須不辜負(fù)調(diào)用我們分享。文明不是一個(gè)策略或情緒。堅(jiān)定的選擇——在批評聲中贏得信任,在混亂中尋求統(tǒng)一。這個(gè),如果我們保持它,是一種共享成就。
美國,好的,也是勇敢的。
我們國家的勇氣已經(jīng)清楚在大蕭條和戰(zhàn)爭時(shí)期,當(dāng)捍衛(wèi)共同危險(xiǎn)定義我們的共同利益。現(xiàn)在我們必須選擇如果我們的父親和母親會(huì)啟發(fā)我們的例子或譴責(zé)我們。在祝福的時(shí)候我們必須展示勇氣面對問題,而不是將它們傳遞給后代。
在一起,我們將收回美國的學(xué)校,之前的無知和冷漠更年輕的生命。
我們將改革社會(huì)保障和醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn),愛惜我們的孩子從我們有權(quán)阻止掙扎。我們將減少稅收,恢復(fù)我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)勢頭和獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)努力和企業(yè)工作的美國人。
我們將建立防御無以倫比,以免弱點(diǎn)邀請的挑戰(zhàn)。
我們將面對大規(guī)模殺傷性武器,這樣一個(gè)新的世紀(jì)
d新的恐怖。
自由和我們國家的敵人應(yīng)該毫無疑問:美國仍然從事世界歷史和選擇,塑造一個(gè)權(quán)力平衡thatf avors自由。我們將捍衛(wèi)我們的盟友和我們的利益。我們將展示目的沒有傲慢。我們將滿足攻擊和惡意的決心和力量。和所有國家,我們將代表給我們國家誕生的值。
好的,美國是富有同情心。安靜的美國的良心,我們知道深,持續(xù)的貧窮是不值得我們國家的。
不管我們的觀點(diǎn)的原因,我們可以同意孩子處于危險(xiǎn)之中,他們沒有錯(cuò)。放棄和濫用不是天災(zāi),愛情的失敗。
和監(jiān)獄的擴(kuò)散,但是必要的,希望在我們的靈魂和秩序是必不可少的。
哪里有痛苦,我們的義務(wù)就在哪里。美國人需要的不是陌生人,他們是公民,不是問題,而是優(yōu)先考慮。和我們都是減少當(dāng)任何希望。
,政府都應(yīng)負(fù)有極大的責(zé)任對于公共安全和公共衛(wèi)生,對民權(quán)和學(xué)校。同情是一個(gè)國家的工作,不僅僅是一個(gè)政府。
有些需要是如此的迫切,有些傷痕是如此的深刻,只有回應(yīng)一個(gè)導(dǎo)師的接觸或牧師的祈禱。不論是教堂還是慈善機(jī)構(gòu)、*會(huì)堂還是清真寺,都賦予了我們的社會(huì)它們特有的人性,他們會(huì)有一個(gè)發(fā)生在我們的計(jì)劃和我們的法律。
我國許多不知道貧窮的痛苦,但是我們可以聽那些。
我可以保證我們的國家一個(gè)目標(biāo):當(dāng)我們看到受傷的旅客
耶利哥之路,我們不會(huì)傳遞到另一邊。
好的,美國是一個(gè)個(gè)人責(zé)任和有價(jià)值
預(yù)期。
鼓勵(lì)人們勇于承擔(dān)責(zé)任不是尋找替罪羊,這是一個(gè)對人的良知的呼喚。雖然它需要犧牲,它帶來了更深層次的滿足。我們發(fā)現(xiàn)生命的豐滿不僅在選項(xiàng),但在。我們發(fā)現(xiàn)兒童和社區(qū)的,讓我們獲得自由。
我們的公共利益依賴于我們獨(dú)立的個(gè)性,依賴于我們的公民義務(wù),家庭紐帶和基本的公正,依賴于我們無數(shù)的、默默無聞的體面行動(dòng),正是它們指引我們走向自由。
在生活中,有時(shí)我們被召喚著去做一些驚天動(dòng)地的事情。但正如我們時(shí)代的一位圣人所言,每一天我們都被召喚,用偉大的愛做小事情。民主的重要的任務(wù)是由每一個(gè)人。
我將生活和導(dǎo)致這些原則:與文明進(jìn)步我的信念,追求公共利益與勇氣,代表正義和同情,呼吁責(zé)任和努力生活。
在所有這些方面,我將我們的價(jià)值觀歷史的護(hù)理
次了。
你所做的一切和政府的工作同樣重要。我問你尋求共同利益超越你的舒適,保護(hù)必要的改革不容易攻擊;為你的國家,開始與你的鄰居。我問你公民:公民,而不是觀眾;公民,不是主題,負(fù)責(zé)任的公民,構(gòu)建社區(qū)服務(wù)和有特色的國家。
美國人慷慨的和強(qiáng)大的和體面的,不是因?yàn)槲覀兿嘈抛约?而是因?yàn)槲覀儞碛谐轿覀冏约旱男拍?。一旦這種公民精神喪失了,無論何種政府計(jì)劃都無法彌補(bǔ)它。一旦這種精神出現(xiàn)了,無論任何錯(cuò)誤都無法抗衡它。
《獨(dú)立宣言》簽署之后,弗吉尼亞州的政治家約翰寫信給托馬斯·杰斐遜頁:我們知道比賽不是斯威夫特和強(qiáng)者戰(zhàn)斗。你不認(rèn)為天使騎在旋風(fēng)指導(dǎo)著這場風(fēng)暴?
時(shí)間已經(jīng)過去了自從杰弗遜的就職典禮。積累的yearsand變化。但這一天他會(huì)知道的主題:我們國家的大勇氣和尊嚴(yán)的簡單夢想的故事。
我們不是這個(gè)故事的作者,他讓時(shí)間和永恒的目的。然而,他的目的是實(shí)現(xiàn)我們的責(zé)任,我們的責(zé)任是滿足服務(wù)。
永不疲憊,永不屈服,永不結(jié)束,今天我們重樹這樣的目標(biāo),使我們的國家更加公正、慷慨,確認(rèn)我們的生活和每一個(gè)生命的尊嚴(yán)。
這項(xiàng)工作仍在繼續(xù)。這個(gè)故事必須延續(xù)下去。和天使仍然騎在旋風(fēng)指導(dǎo)著這場風(fēng)暴。
上帝保佑你們,上帝保佑美國。
Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush， President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.
As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.
And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.
I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.
We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.
It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.
The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.
Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.
Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.
Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.
While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.
We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn
pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.
I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.
And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.
America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.
Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.
America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.
Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.
But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.
We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.
America, at its best, is also courageous.
Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.
Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.
We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.
We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.
We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spare
d new horrors.
The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.
America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.
And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.
And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.
Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.
Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.
And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.
Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.
And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on
the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.
America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and
expected.
Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.
Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.
Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.
I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.
In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our
times.
What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.
Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.
After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?
Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The yearsand changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.
We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.
Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.
This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.
God bless you all, and God bless America.
謝謝你們！
首席大法官倫奎斯特,卡特總統(tǒng),布什總統(tǒng),克林頓總統(tǒng),尊敬的各位來賓,我的同胞們,權(quán)力的和平過渡在歷是罕見的,但在美國是平常的。用一個(gè)簡單的誓言,我們確認(rèn)舊傳統(tǒng)和新的開始。
首先,我要感謝克林頓總統(tǒng)為他的服務(wù)我們的國家。
也感謝副總統(tǒng)戈?duì)栐诟傔x過程中的熱情與風(fēng)度。
我的榮幸,站在這里,所以許多美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人出現(xiàn)在我面前,所以許多人會(huì)效仿。
我們有一個(gè)地方,所有的人,在很長一段故事,一個(gè)故事,我們繼續(xù),但他們的結(jié)局我們不會(huì)看到。的故事,一個(gè)新的世界,成為朋友和舊的解放者,蓄奴的故事的社會(huì)成為一個(gè)自由的仆人,一個(gè)力量的故事走進(jìn)世界保護(hù)但不具備保護(hù)而不是征服。
這是美國的故事——一個(gè)有缺陷的和不可靠的人的故事,曼聯(lián)在代偉和持久的理想。
這些理想展開美國偉大的,每個(gè)人都是,每個(gè)人都應(yīng)該得到一個(gè)機(jī)會(huì),從來沒有無關(guān)緊要的人誕生了。
美國人就是要竭力將這個(gè)在我們的生活和我們的法律。雖然我們的國家有時(shí)停滯不前,有時(shí)候推遲,我們必須遵循沒有其他課程。
通過上個(gè)世紀(jì)的大部分時(shí)間,美國人對自由和民主的信念猶如洶涌大海中的巖石?，F(xiàn)在是在風(fēng)中一粒種子,扎根在許多國家。
我們的民主信仰不僅僅是我們國家的信條,它是我們?nèi)祟惖奶焐南Ｍ?理想我們攜帶但不擁有,信任我們承受和傳遞。甚至在近225年之后,我們還有很長的路去旅行。
雖然我們的許多公民繁榮,別人懷疑的,即使是正義,我們自己的國家。一些美國人的雄心受到失敗的學(xué)校教育,潛在的偏見和出身的環(huán)境。有時(shí)我們的分歧如此之深,似乎我們共享一個(gè)大陸,而不是一個(gè)國家。
我們不接受這個(gè),我們不會(huì)允許它。我們的團(tuán)結(jié),我們的聯(lián)盟,是在每一代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人和公民的嚴(yán)肅的工作。這是我莊嚴(yán)
:我將努力建立一個(gè)公正、充滿機(jī)會(huì)的國家。
我知道這是在我們到達(dá),因?yàn)槲覀兪歉哂谝磺械牧α繉⒁龑?dǎo)我們自己的身形創(chuàng)造了我們,上帝在他的形象。
我們有信心將我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來并指引我們向前的原則。
美國從未被血液或美國出生或土壤。只有理想,讓我們超越我們的背景,提升我們以上利益和教我們什么是公民。每個(gè)孩子都必須教這些原則。每個(gè)公民都必須堅(jiān)持。每個(gè)移民,通過擁抱這些理想,使我國更多,而不是更少,美國。
今天,我們確認(rèn)一個(gè)新的,活出我們國家的通過禮貌、勇氣,同情和性格。
美國好的匹配與關(guān)心禮貌原則的。公民社會(huì)要求我們每個(gè)人善意和尊重、公平交易和寬恕。
一些似乎認(rèn)為,我們的政治可以是瑣碎的,因?yàn)樵诤推綍r(shí)期,我們的辯論中出現(xiàn)小的股份。
但賭注為美國永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)小。如果我們的國家不自由的原因,它不會(huì)導(dǎo)致。如果我們不把的孩子們真心地?zé)釔壑R、發(fā)揮個(gè)性,我們將失去他們的禮物和破壞他們的理想主義。如果我們不采取適當(dāng)措施,任憑經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退,大的受害者將是平民百姓。
我們必須不辜負(fù)調(diào)用我們分享。文明不是一個(gè)策略或情緒。堅(jiān)定的選擇——在批評聲中贏得信任,在混亂中尋求統(tǒng)一。這個(gè),如果我們保持它,是一種共享成就。
美國,好的,也是勇敢的。
我們國家的勇氣已經(jīng)清楚在大蕭條和戰(zhàn)爭時(shí)期,當(dāng)捍衛(wèi)共同危險(xiǎn)定義我們的共同利益。現(xiàn)在我們必須選擇如果我們的父親和母親會(huì)啟發(fā)我們的例子或譴責(zé)我們。在祝福的時(shí)候我們必須展示勇氣面對問題,而不是將它們傳遞給后代。
在一起,我們將收回美國的學(xué)校,之前的無知和冷漠更年輕的生命。
我們將改革社會(huì)保障和醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn),愛惜我們的孩子從我們有權(quán)阻止掙扎。我們將減少稅收,恢復(fù)我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)勢頭和獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)努力和企業(yè)工作的美國人。
我們將建立防御無以倫比,以免弱點(diǎn)邀請的挑戰(zhàn)。
我們將面對大規(guī)模殺傷性武器,這樣一個(gè)新的世紀(jì)
d新的恐怖。
自由和我們國家的敵人應(yīng)該毫無疑問:美國仍然從事世界歷史和選擇,塑造一個(gè)權(quán)力平衡thatf avors自由。我們將捍衛(wèi)我們的盟友和我們的利益。我們將展示目的沒有傲慢。我們將滿足攻擊和惡意的決心和力量。和所有國家,我們將代表給我們國家誕生的值。
好的,美國是富有同情心。安靜的美國的良心,我們知道深,持續(xù)的貧窮是不值得我們國家的。
不管我們的觀點(diǎn)的原因,我們可以同意孩子處于危險(xiǎn)之中,他們沒有錯(cuò)。放棄和濫用不是天災(zāi),愛情的失敗。
和監(jiān)獄的擴(kuò)散,但是必要的,希望在我們的靈魂和秩序是必不可少的。
哪里有痛苦,我們的義務(wù)就在哪里。美國人需要的不是陌生人,他們是公民,不是問題,而是優(yōu)先考慮。和我們都是減少當(dāng)任何希望。
,政府都應(yīng)負(fù)有極大的責(zé)任對于公共安全和公共衛(wèi)生,對民權(quán)和學(xué)校。同情是一個(gè)國家的工作,不僅僅是一個(gè)政府。
有些需要是如此的迫切,有些傷痕是如此的深刻,只有回應(yīng)一個(gè)導(dǎo)師的接觸或牧師的祈禱。不論是教堂還是慈善機(jī)構(gòu)、*會(huì)堂還是清真寺,都賦予了我們的社會(huì)它們特有的人性,他們會(huì)有一個(gè)發(fā)生在我們的計(jì)劃和我們的法律。
我國許多不知道貧窮的痛苦,但是我們可以聽那些。
我可以保證我們的國家一個(gè)目標(biāo):當(dāng)我們看到受傷的旅客
耶利哥之路,我們不會(huì)傳遞到另一邊。
好的,美國是一個(gè)個(gè)人責(zé)任和有價(jià)值
預(yù)期。
鼓勵(lì)人們勇于承擔(dān)責(zé)任不是尋找替罪羊,這是一個(gè)對人的良知的呼喚。雖然它需要犧牲,它帶來了更深層次的滿足。我們發(fā)現(xiàn)生命的豐滿不僅在選項(xiàng),但在。我們發(fā)現(xiàn)兒童和社區(qū)的,讓我們獲得自由。
我們的公共利益依賴于我們獨(dú)立的個(gè)性,依賴于我們的公民義務(wù),家庭紐帶和基本的公正,依賴于我們無數(shù)的、默默無聞的體面行動(dòng),正是它們指引我們走向自由。
在生活中,有時(shí)我們被召喚著去做一些驚天動(dòng)地的事情。但正如我們時(shí)代的一位圣人所言,每一天我們都被召喚,用偉大的愛做小事情。民主的重要的任務(wù)是由每一個(gè)人。
我將生活和導(dǎo)致這些原則:與文明進(jìn)步我的信念,追求公共利益與勇氣,代表正義和同情,呼吁責(zé)任和努力生活。
在所有這些方面,我將我們的價(jià)值觀歷史的護(hù)理
次了。
你所做的一切和政府的工作同樣重要。我問你尋求共同利益超越你的舒適,保護(hù)必要的改革不容易攻擊;為你的國家,開始與你的鄰居。我問你公民:公民,而不是觀眾;公民,不是主題,負(fù)責(zé)任的公民,構(gòu)建社區(qū)服務(wù)和有特色的國家。
美國人慷慨的和強(qiáng)大的和體面的,不是因?yàn)槲覀兿嘈抛约?而是因?yàn)槲覀儞碛谐轿覀冏约旱男拍?。一旦這種公民精神喪失了,無論何種政府計(jì)劃都無法彌補(bǔ)它。一旦這種精神出現(xiàn)了,無論任何錯(cuò)誤都無法抗衡它。
《獨(dú)立宣言》簽署之后,弗吉尼亞州的政治家約翰寫信給托馬斯·杰斐遜頁:我們知道比賽不是斯威夫特和強(qiáng)者戰(zhàn)斗。你不認(rèn)為天使騎在旋風(fēng)指導(dǎo)著這場風(fēng)暴?
時(shí)間已經(jīng)過去了自從杰弗遜的就職典禮。積累的yearsand變化。但這一天他會(huì)知道的主題:我們國家的大勇氣和尊嚴(yán)的簡單夢想的故事。
我們不是這個(gè)故事的作者,他讓時(shí)間和永恒的目的。然而,他的目的是實(shí)現(xiàn)我們的責(zé)任,我們的責(zé)任是滿足服務(wù)。
永不疲憊,永不屈服,永不結(jié)束,今天我們重樹這樣的目標(biāo),使我們的國家更加公正、慷慨,確認(rèn)我們的生活和每一個(gè)生命的尊嚴(yán)。
這項(xiàng)工作仍在繼續(xù)。這個(gè)故事必須延續(xù)下去。和天使仍然騎在旋風(fēng)指導(dǎo)著這場風(fēng)暴。
上帝保佑你們,上帝保佑美國。