2009年全國(guó)碩士研究生入學(xué)考試英語(yǔ)試題精析

2009年全國(guó)碩士研究生入學(xué)考試英語(yǔ)試題
    National Entrance Test of English for MA/MS Candidates (NETEM)
    Section I Use of English
    Directions:
    Read the following text. Choose the best word(s) for each numbered blank and mark A, B, C or D on ANSWER SHEET 1. (10 points)
    Research on animal intelligence always makes me wonder just how smart humans are 1 the fruit-fly experiments described in Carl Zimmer’s piece in the Science Times on Tuesday. Fruit flies who were taught to be smarter than the average fruit fly 2 to live shorter lives. This suggests that 3 bulbs burn longer, that there is a(n) 4 in not being too terrifically bright.
    Intelligence, it 5 , is a highpriced option. It takes more upkeep, burns more fuel and is slow 6 the starting line because it depends on learning—a (an) 7 process—instead of instinct. Plenty of other species are able to learn, and one of the things they’ve apparently learned is when to 8 .
    Is there an adaptive value to 9 intelligence? That’s the question behind this new research. I like it. Instead of casting a wistful glance10at all the species we’ve left in the dust I.Q.wise, it implicitly asks what the real 11of our own intelligence might be. This is12the mind of every animal we’ve ever met.
    Research on animal intelligence also makes me wonder what experiments animals would13on humans if they had the chance. Every cat with an owner, 14, is running a small-scale study in operant conditioning. We believe that15animals ran the labs, they would test us to16the limits of our patience, our faithfulness, our memory for terrain. They would try to decide what intelligence in humans is really17, not merely how much of it there is.18, they would hope to study a19question: Are humans actually aware of the world they live in?20 the results are inconclusive.
    1.[A]Suppose[B]Consider[C]Observe[D]Imagine
    2.[A]tended[B] feared[C]happened[D]threatened
    3.[A]thinner[B] stabler[C]lighter[D]dimmer
    4.[A]tendency[B]advantage[C]inclination[D]priority
    5.[A]insists on[B]sums up[C]turns out[D]puts forward
    6.[A]off[B]behind[C]over[D]along
    7.[A]incredible[B]spontaneous[C]inevitable[D]gradual
    8.[A]fight[B]doubt[C]stop[D]think
    9.[A]invisible[B]limited[C]indefinite[D]different
    10.[A]upward[B]forward[C]afterward[D]backward
    11.[A]features[B]influences[C]results[D]costs
    12.[A]outside[B]on[C]by[D]across
    13.[A]deliver[B]carry[C]perform[D]apply
    14.[A]by chance[B]in contrast[C]as usual[D]for instance
    15.[A]if[B]unless[C]as[D]lest
    16.[A]moderate[B]overcome[C]determine[D]reach
    17.[A]at[B]for[C]after[D]with
    18.[A]Above all[B]After all[C]However[D]Otherwise
    19.[A]fundamental[B]comprehensive[C]equivalent[D]hostile
    20.[A]By accident[B] In time[C]So far[D]Better still
    Section II Reading Comprehension
    Part A
    Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (40 points)
    Text 1
    Habits are a funny thing. We reach for them mindlessly, setting our brains on autopilot and relaxing into the unconscious comfort of familiar routine. “Not choice, but habit rules the unreflecting herd,” William Wordsworth said in the 19th century. In the everchanging 21st century, even the word “habit” carries a negative implication.
    So it seems paradoxical to talk about habits in the same context as creativity and innovation. But brain researchers have discovered that when we consciously develop new habits, we create parallel synaptic paths, and even entirely new brain cells, that can jump our trains of thought onto new, innovative tracks.
    Rather than dismissing ourselves as unchangeable creatures of habit, we can instead direct our own change by consciously developing new habits. In fact, the more new things we try—the more we step outside our comfort zone—the more inherently creative we become, both in the workplace and in our personal lives.
    But don’t bother trying to kill off old habits; once those ruts of procedure are worn into the brain, they’re there to stay. Instead, the new habits we deliberately ingrain into ourselves create parallel pathways that can bypass those old roads.
    “The first thing needed for innovation is a fascination with wonder,” says Dawna Markova, author of The Open Mind . “But we are taught instead to ‘decide,’ just as our president calls himself ‘the Decider.’ ” She adds, however, that “to decide is to kill off all possibilities but one. A good innovational thinker is always exploring the many other possibilities.”
    All of us work through problems in ways of which we’re unaware, she says. Researchers in the late 1960s discovered that humans are born with the capacity to approach challenges in four primary ways: analytically, procedurally, relationally (or collaboratively) and innovatively. At the end of adolescence, however, the brain shuts down half of that capacity, preserving only those modes of thought that have seemed most valuable during the first decade or so of life.
    The current emphasis on standardized testing highlights analysis and procedure, meaning that few of us inherently use our innovative and collaborative modes of thought. “This breaks the major rule in the American belief system—that anyone can do anything,” explains M. J. Ryan, author of the 2006 book This Year I Will... and Ms. Markova’s business partner. “That’s a lie that we have perpetuated, and it fosters commonness. Knowing what you’re good at and doing even more of it creates excellence.” This is where developing new habits comes in.
    21.In Wordsworth’s view，“habits” is characterized by being
    [A]casual.[B] familiar.[C] mechanical.[D]changeable.
    22.Brain researchers have discovered that the formation of new habits can be
    [A]predicted.[B] regulated.[C] traced.[D] guided.
    23.The word “ruts”(line 1, paragraph 4) is closest in meaning to
    [A]tracks.[B]series.[C]characteristics.[D] connections.
    24.Dawna Markova would most probably agree that
    [A]ideas are born of a relaxing mind.[B]innovativeness could be taught.
    [C]decisiveness derives from fantastic ideas.[D]curiosity activates creative minds.
    25.Ryan’s comments suggest that the practice of standard testing
    [A]prevents new habits from being formed.
    [B]no longer emphasizes commonness.
    [C]maintains the inherent American thinking mode.
    [D]complies with the American belief system.
    Text 2
    It is a wise father that knows his own child, but today a man can boost his paternal (fatherly) wisdom—or at least confirm that he’s the kid’s dad. All he needs to do is shell out $30 for a paternity testing kit (PTK) at his local drugstore—and another $120 to get the results.
    More than 60,000 people have purchased the PTKs since they first became available without prescriptions last years, according to Doug Fogg, chief operating officer of Identigene, which makes the overthecounter kits. More than two dozen companies sell DNA tests directly to the public, ranging in price from a few hundred dollars to more than $2500.
    Among the most popular : paternity and kinship testing , which adopted children can use to find their biological relatives and families can use to track down kids put up for adoption. DNA testing is also the latest rage among passionate genealogists—and supports businesses that offer to search for a family’s geographic roots.
    Most tests require collecting cells by swabbing saliva in the mouth and sending it to the company for testing. All tests require a potential candidate with whom to compare DNA.
    But some observers are skeptical, “There is a kind of false precision being hawked by people claiming they are doing ancestry testing,” says Trey Duster, a New York University sociologist. He notes that each individual has many ancestors—numbering in the hundreds just a few centuries back. Yet most ancestry testing only considers a single lineage, either the Y chromosome inherited through men in a father’s line or mitochondrial DNA, which is passed down only from mothers. This DNA can reveal genetic information about only one or two ancestors, even though, for example, just three generations back people also have six other greatgrandparents or, four generations back, 14 other greatgreatgrandparents.
    Critics also argue that commercial genetic testing is only as good as the reference collections to which a sample is compared. Databases used by some companies don’t rely on data collected systematically but rather lump together information from different research projects. This means that a DNA database may have a lot of data from some regions and not others, so a person’s test results may differ depending on the company that processes the results. In addition, the computer programs a company uses to estimate relationships may be patented and not subject to peer review or outside evaluation.
    26.In paragraphs 1 and 2 , the text shows PTK’s
    [A]easy availability.[B]flexibility in pricing.
    [C]successful promotion.[D]popularity with households.
    27.PTK is used to
    [A]locate one’s birth place.[B]promote genetic research.
    [C]identify parentchild kinship. [D]choose children for adoption.
    28.Skeptical observers believe that ancestry testing fails to
    [A]trace distant ancestors.[B]rebuild reliable bloodlines.
    [C]fully use genetic information.[D]achieve the claimed accuracy.
    29.In the last paragraph ,a problem commercial genetic testing faces is
    [A]disorganized data collection.[B]overlapping database building.
    [C]excessive sample comparison.[D]lack of patent evaluation.
    30.An appropriate title for the text is most likely to be
    [A] Fors and Againsts of DNA Testing[B]DNA Testing and It’s Problems
    [C]DNA Testing Outside the Lab[D]Lies behind DNA Testing
    Text 3
    The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries is widely misunderstood by economists and politicians alike. Progress in both areas is undoubtedly necessary for the social, political and intellectual development of these and all other societies; however, the conventional view that education should be one of the very highest priorities for promoting rapid economic development in poor countries is wrong. We are fortunate that is it, because building new educational systems there and putting enough people through them to improve economic performance would require two or three generations. The findings of a research institution have consistently shown that workers in all countries can be trained on the job to achieve radically higher productivity and, as a result, radically higher standards of living.
    Ironically, the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States. Not long ago, with the country entering a recessing and Japan at its prebubble peak, the U.S. workforce was derided as poorly educated and one of the primary cause of the poor U.S. economic performance. Japan was, and remains, the global leader in automotiveassembly productivity. Yet the research revealed that the U.S. factories of Honda, Nissan, and Toyota achieved about 95 percent of the productivity of their Japanese counterparts—a result of the training that U.S. workers received on the job.
    More recently, while examining housing construction, the researchers discovered that illiterate, non-English-speaking Mexican workers in Houston, Texas, consistently met best-practice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industry’s work.
    What is the real relationship between education and economic development? We have begun to suspect that continuing economic growth promotes the development of education even when governments don’t force it. After all, that’s how education got started. When our ancestors were hunters and gatherers 10,000 years ago, they didn’t have time to wonder much about anything besides finding food. Only when humanity began to get its food in a more productive way was there time for other things.
    As education improved, humanity’s productivity potential increased as well. When the competitive environment pushed our ancestors to achieve that potential, they could in turn afford more education. This increasingly high level of education is probably a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the complex political systems required by advanced economic performance. Thus poor countries might not be able to escape their poverty traps without political changes that may be possible only with broader formal education. A lack of formal education, however, doesn’t constrain the ability of the developing world’s workforce to substantially improve productivity for the foreseeable future. On the contrary, constraints on improving productivity explain why education isn’t developing more quickly there than it is.
    31.The author holds in paragraph 1 that the importance of education in poor countries
    [A]is subject to groundless doubts. [B]has fallen victim of bias.
    [C]is conventionally downgraded. [D]has been overestimated.
    32.It is stated in paragraph 1 that construction of a new educational system
    [A]challenges economists and politicians. [B]takes efforts of generations.
    [C]demands priority from the government.[D]requires sufficient labor force.
    33.A major difference between the Japanese and U.S workforces is that
    [A]the Japanese workforce is better disciplined.[B]the Japanese workforce is more productive.
    [C]the U.S workforce has a better education.[D]the U.S workforce is more organized.
    34.The author quotes the example of our ancestors to show that education emerged
    [A]when people had enough time.[B]prior to better ways of finding food.
    [C]when people on longer went hungry. [D]as a result of pressure on government.
    35.According to the last paragraph , development of education
    [A]results directly from competitive environments.[B]does not depend on economic performance.
    [C]follows improved productivity.[D]cannot afford political changes.
    Text 4
    The most thoroughly studied intellectuals in the history of the New World are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenthcentury New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was “so much important attached to intellectual pursuits.” According to many books and articles, New England’s leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.
    To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans’ theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church—important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture adjusting to New World circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
    The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629, there were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. There men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.
    We should not forget, however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few craftsmen or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be analyzed, it is obvious that their views were less fully intellectualized. Their thinking often had a traditional superstitions quality. A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. Sexual confusion, economic frustrations , and religious hope—all name together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words: “come out from among them, touch no unclean thing , and I will be your God and you shall be my people.” One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in puritan churches.
    Meanwhile , many settlers had slighter religious commitments than Dane’s, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion . “Our main end was to catch fish. ”
    36. The author holds that in the seventeenthcentury New England
    [A]Puritan tradition dominated political life.
    [B]intellectual interests were encouraged.
    [C]politics benefited much from intellectual endeavors.
    [D]intellectual pursuits enjoyed a liberal environment.
    37. It is suggested in Paragraph 2 that New Englanders
    [A]experienced a comparatively peaceful early history.
    [B]brought with them the culture of the Old World.
    [C]paid little attention to southern intellectual life.
    [D]were obsessed with religious innovations.
    38. The early ministers and political leaders in Massachusetts Bay
    [A]were famous in the New World for their writings.
    [B]gained increasing importance in religious affairs.
    [C]abandoned high positions before coming to the New World.
    [D]created a new intellectual atmosphere in New England.
    39. The story of John Dane shows that less welleducated New Englanders were often
    [A]influenced by superstitions. [B]troubled with religious beliefs.
    [C]puzzled by church sermons. [D]frustrated with family earnings.
    40. The text suggests that early settlers in New England
    [A]were mostly engaged in political activities.[B]were motivated by an illusory prospect.
    [C]came from different intellectual backgrounds.[D]left few formal records for later reference.
    Part B
    Directions:
    In the following text, some sentences have been removed. For Questions (4145), choose the most suitable one from the list AG to fit into each of the numbered blank. There are two extra choices, which do not fit in any of the gaps. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (10 points)
    Coinciding with the groundbreaking theory of biological evolution proposed by British naturalist Charles Darwin in the 1860s, British social philosopher Herbert Spencer put forward his own theory of biological and cultural evolution. Spencer argued that all worldly phenomena, including human societies, changed over time, advancing toward perfection. 41. .
    American social scientist Lewis Henry Morgan introduced another theory of cultural evolution in the late 1800s. Morgan, along with Tylor, was one of the founders of modern anthropology. In his work, he attempted to show how all aspects of culture changed together in the evolution of societies.42. .
    In the early 1900s in North America, Germanborn American anthropologist Franz Boas developed a new theory of culture known as historical particularism. Historical particularism, which emphasized the uniqueness of all cultures, gave new direction to anthropology. 43. .
    Boas felt that the culture of any society must be understood as the result of a unique history and not as one of many cultures belonging to a broader evolutionary stage or type of culture. 44. .
    Historical particularism became a dominant approach to the study of culture in American anthropology, largely through the influence of many students of Boas. But a number of anthropologists in the early 1900s also rejected the particularist theory of culture in favor of diffusionism. Some attributed virtually every important cultural achievement to the inventions of a few, especially gifted peoples that, according to diffusionists, then spread to other cultures. 45. .
    Also in the early 1900s, French sociologist Emile Durkheim developed a theory of culture that would greatly influence anthropology. Durkheim proposed that religious beliefs functioned to reinforce social solidarity. An interest in the relationship between the function of society and culture—known as functionalism—became a major theme in European, and especially British, anthropology.
    [A] Other anthropologists believed that cultural innovations, such as inventions, had a single origin and passed from society to society. This theory was known as diffusionism.
    [B] In order to study particular cultures as completely as possible, Boas became skilled in linguistics, the study of languages, and in physical anthropology, the study of human biology and anatomy.
    [C] He argued that human evolution was characterized by a struggle he called the “survival of the fittest,” in which weaker races and societies must eventually be replaced by stronger, more advanced races and societies.
    [D] They also focused on important rituals that appeared to preserve a people’s social structure, such as initiation ceremonies that formally signify children’s entrance into adulthood.
    [E] Thus, in his view, diverse aspects of culture, such as the structure of families, forms of marriage, categories of kinship, ownership of property, forms of government, technology, and systems of food production, all changed as societies evolved.
    [F]Supporters of the theory viewed as a collection of integrated parts that work together to keep a society functioning.
    [G] For example, British anthropologists Grafton Elliot Smith and W. J. Perry incorrectly suggested, on the basis of inadequate information, that farming, pottery making, and metallurgy all originated in ancient Egypt and diffused throughout the world. In fact, all of these cultural developments occurred separately at different times in many parts of the world.
    Part C
    Directions:
    Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. Your translation should be written carefully on ANSWER SHEET 2. (10 points)
    There is a marked difference between the education which every one gets from living with others, and the deliberate educating of the young. In the former case the education is incidental; it is natural and important, but it is not the express reason of the association.(46)It may be said that the measure of the worth of any social institution is its effect in enlarging and improving experience; but this effect is not a part of its original motive. Religious associations began, for example, in the desire to secure the favor of overruling powers and to ward off evil influences; family life in the desire to gratify appetites and secure family perpetuity; systematic labor, for the most part, because of enslavement to others, etc. (47)Only gradually was the by-product of the institution noted, and only more gradually still was this effect considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution. Even today, in our industrial life, apart from certain values of industriousness and thrift, the intellectual and emotional reaction of the forms of human association under which the world’s work is carried on receives little attention as compared with physical output.
    But in dealing with the young, the fact of association itself as an immediate human fact, gains in importance.(48)While it is easy to ignore in our contact with them the effect of our acts upon their disposition, it is not so easy as in dealing with adults. The need of training is too evident; the pressure to accomplish a change in their attitude and habits is too urgent to leave these consequences wholly out of account. (49)Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life we cannot help considering whether or not we are forming the powers which will secure this ability. If humanity has made some headway in realizing that the ultimate value of every institution is its distinctively human effect we may well believe that this lesson has been learned largely through dealings with the young.
    (50)We are thus led to distinguish, within the broad educational process which we have been so far considering, a more formal kind of education—that of direct tuition or schooling. In undeveloped social groups, we find very little formal teaching and training. These groups mainly rely for instilling needed dispositions into the young upon the same sort of association which keeps the adults loyal to their group.
    Section III Writing
    Part A
    51. Directions:
    Restrictions on the use of plastic bags have not been so successful in some regions. “White pollution ”is still going on. Write a letter to the editor(s) of your local newspaper to
    1)give your opinions briefly and,
    2) make two or three suggestions
    You should write about 100 words. Do not sign your own name at the end of the letter. Use "Li Ming" instead. You do not need to write the address.(10 points)
    Part B
    52. Directions:
    In your essay, you should
    1) describe the drawing briefly,
    2) explain its intended meaning, and then
    3) give your comments.
    You should write neatly on ANSHWER SHEET 2. (20 points)
    2009年全國(guó)碩士研究生入學(xué)考試英語(yǔ)試題答案與解析
    Section I Use of English
    Directions:
    Read the following text. Choose the best word(s) for each numbered blank and mark A, B, C or D on ANSWER SHEET 1. (10 points)
    Research on animal intelligence always makes me wonder just how smart humans are 1 the fruit-fly experiments described in Carl Zimmer’s piece in the Science Times on Tuesday. Fruit flies who were taught to be smarter than the average fruit fly 2 to live shorter lives. This suggests that 3 bulbs burn longer, that there is a(n) 4 in not being too terrifically bright.
    Intelligence, it 5 , is a highpriced option. It takes more upkeep, burns more fuel and is slow 6 the starting line because it depends on learning—a (an) 7 process—instead of instinct. Plenty of other species are able to learn, and one of the things they’ve apparently learned is when to 8 .
    Is there an adaptive value to 9 intelligence? That’s the question behind this new research. I like it. Instead of casting a wistful glance10at all the species we’ve left in the dust I.Q.wise, it implicitly asks what the real 11of our own intelligence might be. This is12the mind of every animal we’ve ever met.
    Research on animal intelligence also makes me wonder what experiments animals would13on humans if they had the chance. Every cat with an owner, 14, is running a small-scale study in operant conditioning. We believe that15animals ran the labs, they would test us to16the limits of our patience, our faithfulness, our memory for terrain. They would try to decide what intelligence in humans is really17, not merely how much of it there is.18, they would hope to study a19question: Are humans actually aware of the world they live in?20 the results are inconclusive.
    對(duì)動(dòng)物智能進(jìn)行的研究總是讓我想了解人類(lèi)到底有多聰明。不妨考慮一下卡爾·齊默周二發(fā)表在《科學(xué)時(shí)報(bào)》雜志上的對(duì)于果蠅實(shí)驗(yàn)的描述，那些學(xué)得比普通果蠅更聰明的果蠅往往壽命比較短。這讓人想起比較暗淡的燈泡照明時(shí)間反而比較長(zhǎng)，不那么聰明也有自身的優(yōu)勢(shì)。
    事實(shí)證明，聰明是一種昂貴的選擇。它需要更多的保養(yǎng)，消耗更多的燃料，起步慢，這是因?yàn)槁斆饕蕾?lài)學(xué)習(xí)——一個(gè)漸進(jìn)的過(guò)程——而不是本能。許多其他物種都能夠?qū)W習(xí)，它們顯然已經(jīng)學(xué)會(huì)的一件事就是什么時(shí)候停止學(xué)習(xí)。
    是否有一個(gè)有限聰明的適應(yīng)值呢?這是該項(xiàng)研究背后的問(wèn)題。我喜歡它。該研究不是要我們對(duì)那些在智力方面已被人類(lèi)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)拋在后面的物種投以悲憐的眼光，而是含蓄地提出一個(gè)問(wèn)題：人類(lèi)智慧的真正代價(jià)可能是什么。而這是我們遇見(jiàn)所有動(dòng)物都在思考的問(wèn)題。
    研究動(dòng)物智能也讓我想知道如果動(dòng)物有機(jī)會(huì)的話(huà)，它們會(huì)對(duì)人類(lèi)進(jìn)行何種實(shí)驗(yàn)。例如，每一只有主人的貓都在進(jìn)行一項(xiàng)有關(guān)操作性條件反射的小規(guī)模研究。我認(rèn)為，如果讓動(dòng)物管理實(shí)驗(yàn)室的話(huà)，它們會(huì)對(duì)我們進(jìn)行測(cè)試，來(lái)確定我們的忍耐度、我們的忠誠(chéng)度、我們對(duì)地域的記憶力。它們將設(shè)法確定人類(lèi)智慧的用途，而不僅僅是人類(lèi)有多少智慧。更重要的是，它們希望研究一個(gè)基本問(wèn)題：人類(lèi)是否真正了解他們生活的這個(gè)世界?迄今為止，結(jié)果尚不確定。
    1. [A]Suppose[B]Consider[C]Observe[D]Imagine
    2. [A]tended[B]feared[C]happened[D]threatened
    3. [A]thinner[B]stabler[C]lighter[D]dimmer
    4. [A]tendency[B]advantage[C]inclination[D]priority
    5. [A]insists on[B]sums up[C]turns out[D]puts forward
    6. [A]off[B]behind[C]over[D]along
    7. [A]incredible[B]spontaneous[C]inevitable[D]gradual
    8. [A]fight[B]doubt[C]stop[D]think
    9. [A]invisible[B]limited[C]indefinite[D]different
    10. [A]upward[B]forward[C]afterward[D]backward
    11. [A]features[B]influences[C]results[D]costs
    12. [A]outside[B]on[C]by[D]across
    13. [A]deliver[B]carry[C]perform[D]apply
    14. [A]by chance[B]in contrast[C]as usual[D]for instance
    15. [A]if[B]unless[C]as[D]lest
    16. [A]moderate[B]overcome[C]determine[D]reach
    17. [A]at[B]for[C]after[D]with
    18. [A]Above all[B] After all[C] However[D]Otherwise
    19. [A]fundamental[B]comprehensive[C]equivalent[D] hostile
    20. [A]By accident[B]In time[C]So far[D] Better still
    【內(nèi)容提要】 本文圍繞對(duì)動(dòng)物智能的研究展開(kāi)話(huà)題，說(shuō)明智慧也是要付出代價(jià)的，并假想若是動(dòng)物對(duì)人類(lèi)智能進(jìn)行研究的話(huà)，會(huì)是什么狀況。
    1.【正確答案】B
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇動(dòng)詞，放在祈使句句首。選項(xiàng)A. suppose認(rèn)為，假定;B. consider考慮;C. observe 觀察;D. imagine 想象。文章開(kāi)篇指出：Research on animal intelligence always makes us wonder just how smart humans are.“對(duì)動(dòng)物智慧的研究總是讓我對(duì)人類(lèi)到底有多聰明感到好奇”，接著舉了果蠅的例子，該句要選擇的動(dòng)詞應(yīng)與上句在語(yǔ)義上銜接。用consider意為“讓讀者考慮一下(果蠅實(shí)驗(yàn))”，從而引出下文，其他選項(xiàng)均不符合題意。
    2.【正確答案】A
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/固定搭配
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇動(dòng)詞(過(guò)去式)，與介詞“to”構(gòu)成動(dòng)詞短語(yǔ)，在句子中充當(dāng)謂語(yǔ)。選項(xiàng)A. tended to易于，往往會(huì)……;B. feared to 害怕做某事;C. happened to 碰巧做某事;D. threatened to 威脅要做某事。Fruit flies who were taught to be smarter than the average fruit flyto live shorter lives. 原文講述的是在實(shí)驗(yàn)中經(jīng)常發(fā)生的一種情況，即“通過(guò)訓(xùn)練變得更聰明的果蠅，其壽命往往比普通果蠅短”。故選A。
    3.【正確答案】D
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇形容詞比較級(jí)，在句中作定語(yǔ)修飾bulbs。This suggests thatbulbs burn longer, ...“這讓人想起……的燈泡照明時(shí)間比較長(zhǎng)……?！鄙暇渲v到“聰明的果蠅壽命往往較短”，這句接著用燈泡作類(lèi)比，承接上句語(yǔ)義，應(yīng)該是越不亮的燈泡用的時(shí)間越長(zhǎng)，所以選Ddimmer 較暗的;選項(xiàng)Clighter更亮的，與前文意思相悖; Athinner 更薄的，更瘦的;Bstable 更穩(wěn)定的;該兩項(xiàng)均不符合題意。
    4.【正確答案】B
    【考查重點(diǎn)】詞匯辨析/固定搭配
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇名詞，并與in搭配。選項(xiàng)A. tendency 趨勢(shì)，傾向，后面常接介詞for或動(dòng)詞不定式，如：a tendency for sth.或a tendency to do sth.(做)某事的傾向;B. advantage 優(yōu)勢(shì)，后常接介詞in，即an advantage in sth. 在某方面具有優(yōu)勢(shì);C. inclination傾向，意愿，傾斜度，后常接介詞for或動(dòng)詞不定式，即an inclination for sth.或an inclination to do sth.想做某事;D. priority 優(yōu)先權(quán)，后常接over，如：take priority over sth./sb. (比某事/某人)具有優(yōu)先權(quán)。且從上下文語(yǔ)義來(lái)看，前面說(shuō)聰明的果蠅壽命短，越不亮的燈泡用的時(shí)間越長(zhǎng)，所以這里語(yǔ)義應(yīng)為“不太聰明(燈泡不太亮)是有優(yōu)勢(shì)的”，故B為正確選項(xiàng)。注意，bright在此處是一語(yǔ)雙關(guān)，既可表示“燈泡不那么亮”，也可表示“人不那么聰明”。
    5.【正確答案】C
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目要選擇動(dòng)詞短語(yǔ)，使插入語(yǔ)完整。從上文可知，“聰明的果蠅壽命往往較短”，以及“不太聰明是有優(yōu)勢(shì)的”，由此推出的結(jié)果是：聰明也是要付出代價(jià)的。C. turn out意為“結(jié)果是……”，把it turns out用作插入語(yǔ)，使該句與上段內(nèi)容緊緊聯(lián)系起來(lái)，因此選C。A. insist on堅(jiān)持;B. sum up總計(jì)，總結(jié);D. put forward提出。這三項(xiàng)均不符合題意。
    6.【正確答案】A
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇介詞，體現(xiàn)與the starting line(起跑線(xiàn))的邏輯關(guān)系。選項(xiàng)B. behind和C. over可以首先排除，因?yàn)檫@里沒(méi)有涉及空間位置關(guān)系;若選D. along則是“沿著起跑線(xiàn)徘徊”之意，這與后面的process意思不符;選項(xiàng)A. off 有“離開(kāi)”之意，slow off the starting line表示“離開(kāi)起跑線(xiàn)慢了”，即“起步慢了”，但仍在進(jìn)步，與后文邏輯一致，故選A。
    7.【正確答案】D
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇形容詞，做process的定語(yǔ)。破折號(hào)表示對(duì)前面內(nèi)容即learning的解釋。這里把learning(學(xué)習(xí))與instinct(本能)作對(duì)比，結(jié)合前文的slow，以及學(xué)習(xí)自身的特點(diǎn)可知，只有g(shù)radual“漸進(jìn)的” 符合題意。其它三項(xiàng)A. incredible 難以置信的;B. spontaneous 自發(fā)的;C. inevitable 不可避免的;均不符合題意，故本題答案為D。
    8.【正確答案】C
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】Plenty of other species are able to learn, and one of the things they’ve apparently learned is when to.“許多其它物種都能夠?qū)W習(xí)，它們顯然已經(jīng)學(xué)會(huì)的一件事就是什么時(shí)候……學(xué)習(xí)。”由上文可知，聰明需要學(xué)習(xí)，很多物種都能夠?qū)W習(xí)，但都沒(méi)有變聰明，這是因?yàn)樗鼈冞€學(xué)會(huì)了適時(shí)停止學(xué)習(xí)。因此選C。其它三項(xiàng)在語(yǔ)義上均不通。
    9.【正確答案】B
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇形容詞，作定語(yǔ)修飾intelligence。由上文可知，智慧越多，付出的代價(jià)越多，因此智慧肯定是有限的，而且根據(jù)value也可以推斷這里是關(guān)于intelligence多少的問(wèn)題。選項(xiàng)A.invisible 看不見(jiàn)的;C. indefinite 不確定的;D. different 不同的;均與數(shù)量多少無(wú)關(guān)，只有l(wèi)imited“有限的，不多的”符合題意，故選B。
    10.【正確答案】D
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇副詞以表明邏輯關(guān)系?！皐e’ve left in the dust I.Q.wise”是定語(yǔ)從句，修飾the species。cast a glance at...意為“對(duì)……投以目光”;“l(fā)eave sb. in the dust”是固定搭配，“將某人遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)拋在后面”的意思;I.Q.wise是派生詞，后綴wise表示方式，意為“在I.Q.方面”。這句話(huà)是說(shuō)“該研究不是要我們對(duì)那些在智力方面已被人類(lèi)遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)拋在后面的物種投以悲憐的眼光?！比祟?lèi)看這些被拋在后面的物種，自然是往后看了，所以D. backward為正確選項(xiàng)，A. upward向上;B. forward向前;C. afterward 之后，后來(lái)(表時(shí)間);該三項(xiàng)均不符合題意。
    11.【正確答案】D
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞義辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇名詞，做賓語(yǔ)從句的主語(yǔ)。...it implicitly asks what the real of our own intelligence might be. “這項(xiàng)實(shí)驗(yàn)含蓄地提出一個(gè)問(wèn)題：人類(lèi)智慧的真正……可能是什么?！鼻拔囊呀?jīng)提到Intelligence...is a highpriced option，因此應(yīng)選D.costs。選項(xiàng)A.features 特征;B.influences 影響;C.results 結(jié)果，均不符合題意。
    12.【正確答案】B
    【考查重點(diǎn)】固定搭配。
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇介詞，與mind搭配。on one’s mind或on the mind of sb. 是固定短語(yǔ)，意為“有心事，總是想著”，其它三項(xiàng)均不能與mind構(gòu)成固定搭配。
    13.【正確答案】C
    【考查重點(diǎn)】固定搭配
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇動(dòng)詞，作為wonder引導(dǎo)的賓語(yǔ)從句的謂語(yǔ)。選擇的動(dòng)詞應(yīng)與experiments搭配。選項(xiàng)A. deliver 遞送;D. apply 應(yīng)用;兩者均不能與experiments搭配。若用carry，則為carry out experiments，故只能選C. perform 執(zhí)行，perform experiments意為“做實(shí)驗(yàn)”。
    14.【正確答案】D
    【考查重點(diǎn)】詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇介詞短語(yǔ)在句中做插入語(yǔ)，表明邏輯關(guān)系。前文已經(jīng)講到作者很好奇，如果動(dòng)物有機(jī)會(huì)的話(huà)，會(huì)對(duì)人類(lèi)進(jìn)行何種實(shí)驗(yàn)。本句接著說(shuō)Every cat with an owner, , is running a smallscale study in operant conditioning.“每一只有主人的貓都在進(jìn)行一項(xiàng)有關(guān)操作性條件反射的小規(guī)模研究?！边@是以cat為例進(jìn)一步論述動(dòng)物對(duì)人進(jìn)行實(shí)驗(yàn)，因此應(yīng)選擇表示舉例的介詞短語(yǔ)，故選D. for instance 例如。選項(xiàng)A. by chance 偶然;B. in contrast與……相比;C. as usual像往常一樣;均不符合題意。
    15.【正確答案】A
    【考查重點(diǎn)】邏輯銜接
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇連詞，體現(xiàn)句子之間的邏輯關(guān)系。由ran，would可知，本句使用了虛擬語(yǔ)氣，是對(duì)動(dòng)物可能對(duì)人類(lèi)進(jìn)行實(shí)驗(yàn)進(jìn)行了假設(shè)，故選A。選項(xiàng)B. unless 除非;C. as因?yàn)?D lest 唯恐，均不符合題意。
    16.【正確答案】C
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】 本題目選擇動(dòng)詞，與limits搭配，作為test的目的。選項(xiàng)A. moderate 緩和;B. overcome克服;D. reach 達(dá)到。既然作為測(cè)試的目的，應(yīng)為確定某些內(nèi)容，故選C. determine,這里是“查明，測(cè)定”的意思。
    17.【正確答案】B
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞義辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇介詞，體現(xiàn)邏輯關(guān)系。該句承接上一句，繼續(xù)論述假設(shè)動(dòng)物對(duì)人類(lèi)進(jìn)行實(shí)驗(yàn)的內(nèi)容。選項(xiàng)A. at表示方位; C. after表示時(shí)間;D. with表示伴隨，均不符合語(yǔ)義，只有B. for表示目的，構(gòu)成what...for符合語(yǔ)境，表明動(dòng)物們想了解人類(lèi)智慧是用來(lái)干什么的。
    18.【正確答案】A
    【考查重點(diǎn)】邏輯銜接
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇邏輯關(guān)系詞，體現(xiàn)前后句子之間的邏輯關(guān)系。前面兩句解釋了假設(shè)動(dòng)物對(duì)人類(lèi)進(jìn)行實(shí)驗(yàn)會(huì)進(jìn)行的的內(nèi)容：它們想了解人類(lèi)的某些極限，想知道人類(lèi)智慧的用途。本句與前兩句構(gòu)成并列排比，they would hope to study aquestion“它們希望研究一個(gè)問(wèn)題”，與前兩句應(yīng)為順承關(guān)系，表示強(qiáng)調(diào)或遞進(jìn)，所以B. After all畢竟;C. However但是;D. Otherwise 否則;三者均不符合題意，只有Above all“首先，尤其是”符合題意。
    19.【正確答案】 A
    【考查重點(diǎn)】語(yǔ)義銜接/詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇形容詞，作定語(yǔ)修飾question。選項(xiàng)A. fundamental基本的;B. comprehensive 綜合的;C. equivalent 相等的;D. hostile 敵對(duì)的。由下文可知，這個(gè)question是Are humans actually aware of the world they live in? “人類(lèi)是否真正了解他們生活的這個(gè)世界?”這應(yīng)該是個(gè)基本的問(wèn)題，故選A。
    20.【正確答案】 C
    【考查重點(diǎn)】邏輯銜接/詞匯辨析
    【解題過(guò)程】本題目選擇短語(yǔ)體現(xiàn)與前面句子的邏輯關(guān)系。前面句子提出一個(gè)問(wèn)題，本句講the results are inconclusive. “……結(jié)果是不確定的?！币虼?， 選項(xiàng)C so far“迄今為止”符合題意，A. By accident偶然;B In time 及時(shí);D. Better still更好;三者都不符合語(yǔ)義。
    Section Ⅱ Reading Comprehension
    Part A
    Directions:
    Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (40 points)
    Text 1
    Habits are a funny thing. We reach for them mindlessly, setting our brains on autopilot and relaxing into the unconscious comfort of familiar routine. “Not choice, but habit rules the unreflecting herd,” William Wordsworth said in the 19th century. In the everchanging 21st century, even the word “habit” carries a negative implication.
    So it seems paradoxical to talk about habits in the same context as creativity and innovation. But brain researchers have discovered that when we consciously develop new habits, we create parallel paths, and even entirely new brain cells, that can jump our trains of thought onto new, innovative tracks.
    Rather than dismissing ourselves as unchangeable creatures of habit, we can instead direct our own change by consciously developing new habits. In fact, the more new things we try—the more we step outside our comfort zone—the more inherently creative we become, both in the workplace and in our personal lives.
    But don’t bother trying to kill off old habits; once those ruts of procedure are worn into the brain, they’re there to stay. Instead, the new habits we deliberately press into ourselves create parallel pathways that can bypass those old roads.
    “The first thing needed for innovation is a fascination with wonder,” says Dawna Markova, author of The Open Mind. “But we are taught instead to ‘decide,’ just as our president calls himself ‘the Decider.’” She adds, however, that “to decide is to kill off all possibilities but one. A good innovational thinker is always exploring the many other possibilities.”
    All of us work through problems in ways of which we’re unaware, she says. Researchers in the late 1960 discovered that humans are born with the capacity to approach challenges in four primary ways: analytically, procedurally, relationally (or collaboratively) and innovatively. At the end of adolescence, however, the brain shuts down half of that capacity, preserving only those modes of thought that have seemed most valuable during the first decade or so of life.
    The current emphasis on standardized testing highlights analysis and procedure, meaning that few of us inherently use our innovative and collaborative modes of thought. “This breaks the major rule in the American belief system—that anyone can do anything,” explains M. J. Ryan, author of the 2006 book This Year I Will...and Ms. Markova’s business partner. “That’s a lie that we have perpetuated, and it fosters commonness. Knowing what you’re good at and doing even more of it creates excellence.” This is where developing new habits comes in.
    習(xí)慣是一種有趣的現(xiàn)象。我們無(wú)意識(shí)地養(yǎng)成了習(xí)慣，任由大腦自動(dòng)操作，且不知不覺(jué)在熟悉的常規(guī)中感到輕松舒適?！安⒎沁x擇，而是習(xí)慣會(huì)控制那些沒(méi)有思想的人?！?9世紀(jì)時(shí)，威廉·華茲華斯說(shuō)。在千變?nèi)f化的21世紀(jì)，甚至“習(xí)慣”這個(gè)詞本身也帶有負(fù)面涵義。
    因此，在創(chuàng)造和革新的背景下來(lái)談?wù)摿?xí)慣，似乎顯得有點(diǎn)矛盾。但大腦研究人員發(fā)現(xiàn)，當(dāng)我們有意識(shí)地培養(yǎng)新的習(xí)慣，就創(chuàng)建了平行路徑，甚至是全新的腦細(xì)胞，可以讓我們思緒的列車(chē)跳轉(zhuǎn)到新的創(chuàng)新軌道上來(lái)。
    我們不用因?yàn)樽约菏鞘芰?xí)慣影響的一成不變的生物而否定自己，相反我們可以通過(guò)有意識(shí)的培養(yǎng)新習(xí)慣來(lái)指導(dǎo)改變。事實(shí)上，我們對(duì)新事物嘗試得越多，就會(huì)越遠(yuǎn)地走出自己的舒適地帶，在職場(chǎng)及個(gè)人生活中變得越有創(chuàng)造性。
    但是，不要白費(fèi)力氣試圖戒除舊習(xí)慣;一旦這些慣有程序融進(jìn)腦部，它們就會(huì)留在那里。相反，我們有意使之根深蒂固的新習(xí)慣會(huì)創(chuàng)建平行路徑，它們可以繞過(guò)原來(lái)那些路徑。
    《開(kāi)放思想》一書(shū)的作者達(dá)瓦納·馬克瓦說(shuō)：“革新所需要的第一樣?xùn)|西就是對(duì)好奇的著迷。然而我們被教導(dǎo)去做‘決定’，就像我們的總裁稱(chēng)呼自己為‘決策者’那樣?！彼又f(shuō)，“但是，決定意味著除了一種可能性外，其他的都被扼殺了。優(yōu)秀的具有革新精神的思想家總是在探尋著許多其他的可能性。”
    她說(shuō)，我們都是通過(guò)一些自己沒(méi)有意識(shí)到的方法解決問(wèn)題的。研究人員在20世紀(jì)60年代末發(fā)現(xiàn)人類(lèi)天生主要用四種方法應(yīng)對(duì)挑戰(zhàn)：分析法，程序法，相關(guān)法(或合作法)和創(chuàng)新法。但是在青春期結(jié)束，大腦關(guān)閉一半的能力，僅僅保留了那些大約在生命開(kāi)始的十幾年時(shí)間里似乎是為寶貴的思維方式。
    目前標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化測(cè)試主要強(qiáng)調(diào)分析法和程序法這兩種方式，也就是說(shuō)，我們中很少有人會(huì)本能地使用創(chuàng)新和合作的思維方式。M.J.瑞恩是2006年出版的著作《今年我將……》一書(shū)的作者以及馬克瓦女士的商業(yè)合作伙伴，她解釋說(shuō)：“這打破了美國(guó)信念體系里的主要規(guī)則—任何人都可以做任何事。這是一個(gè)我們已經(jīng)使之永久化的謊言，這會(huì)造成平庸。了解你擅長(zhǎng)什么，再多做一些就會(huì)成就卓越?！边@正是培養(yǎng)新習(xí)慣的用武之地。
    第一段中心句：In the everchanging 21st century, even the word “habit” carries a negative connotation. 在千變?nèi)f化的21世紀(jì)，甚至習(xí)慣這個(gè)詞本身也帶有負(fù)面涵義。
    第二段中心句:But brain researchers have discovered that when we consciously develop new habits, we create parallel paths, and even entirely new brain cells, that can jump our trains of thought onto new, innovative tracks. 但大腦研究人員發(fā)現(xiàn)，當(dāng)我們有意識(shí)地培養(yǎng)新的習(xí)慣，就創(chuàng)建了平行路徑，甚至是全新的腦細(xì)胞，可以讓我們思緒的列車(chē)跳轉(zhuǎn)到新的創(chuàng)新軌道上。
    第三段中心句:Rather than dismissing ourselves as unchangeable creatures of habit, we can instead direct our own change by consciously developing new habits. 我們不用因?yàn)樽约菏芰?xí)慣影響的一成不變的生物而否定自己，相反我們可以通過(guò)有意識(shí)的培養(yǎng)新習(xí)慣來(lái)指導(dǎo)改變。
    第四段中心句:But don’t bother trying to kill off old habits; once those ruts of procedure are worn into the hippocampus, they’re there to stay. 但是，不要白費(fèi)力氣試圖戒除舊習(xí)慣;一旦這些慣有程序融進(jìn)腦部，它們就會(huì)留在那里。
    第五段中心句:“The first thing needed for innovation is a fascination with wonder,” says Dawna Markova, author of “The Open Mind” and an executive change consultant for Professional Thinking Partners. 《開(kāi)放思想》一書(shū)的作者達(dá)瓦納·馬克瓦說(shuō)：“革新需要的第一樣?xùn)|西就是對(duì)好奇的著迷?！?BR>    第六段中心句:All of us work through problems in ways of which we’re unaware, she says. 她說(shuō)，我們都是通過(guò)一些自己沒(méi)有意識(shí)到的方法解決問(wèn)題的。
    第七段中心句:The current emphasis on standardized testing highlights analysis and procedure, meaning that few of us inherently use our innovative and collaborative modes of thought. 目前標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化測(cè)試主要強(qiáng)調(diào)分析法和程序法這兩種方式，也就是說(shuō)，我們中很少有人會(huì)本能地使用創(chuàng)新和合作的思維方式。
    【答案】C D A D A(解析略)
    Text 2
    It is a wise father that knows his own child, but today a man can boost his paternal (fatherly) wisdom—or at least confirm that he’s the kid’s dad. All he needs to do is shell out $30 for paternity testing kit (PTK) at his local drugstore—and another $120 to get the results.
    More than 60,000 people have purchased the PTKs since they first become available without prescriptions last year, according to Doug Fog, chief operating officer of Identigene, which makes the overthecounter kits. More than two dozen companies sell DNA tests directly to the public, ranging in price from a few hundred dollars to more than $2500.
    Among the most popular: paternity and kinship testing, which adopted children can use to find their biological relatives and families can use to track down kids put up for adoption. DNA testing is also the latest rage a many passionate genealogists—and supports businesses that offer to search for a family’s geographic roots.
    Most tests require collecting cells by webbing saliva in the mouth and sending it to the company for testing.All tests require a potential candidate with whom to compare DNA.
    But some observers are skeptical. “There is a kind of false precision being hawked by people claiming they are doing ancestry testing,” says Trey Duster, a New York University sociologist. He notes that each individual has many ancestors—numbering in the hundreds just a few centuries back. Yet most ancestry testing only considers a single lineage, either the Y chromosome inherited through men in a father’s line or mitochondrial DNA, which is passed down only from mothers. This DNA can reveal genetic information about only one or two ancestors, even though, for example, just three generations back people also have six other greatgrandparents or, four generations back, 14 other great-great-grandparents.
    Critics also argue that commercial genetic testing is only as good as the reference collections to which a sample is compared. Databases used by some companies don’t rely on data collected systematically but rather lump together information from different research projects. This means that a DNA database may differ depending on the company that processes the results. In addition, the computer programs a company uses to estimate relationships may be patented and not subject to peer review or outside evaluation.
    俗話(huà)說(shuō)，賢父知己子，但是如今男人可以提升自己的智慧，至少可以確認(rèn)自己是孩子的父親了。他所要做的就是在住所附近的藥店里付30美元買(mǎi)一個(gè)父子關(guān)系測(cè)試包(PTK)，然后另支付120美元以獲得結(jié)果。
    道格·福格是Identigene(生產(chǎn)這種在藥店可以出售的測(cè)試包的公司)的首席運(yùn)營(yíng)官，他指出，自從去年P(guān)TK無(wú)需處方就可以買(mǎi)到以來(lái)，購(gòu)買(mǎi)者已經(jīng)超過(guò)6萬(wàn)人。超過(guò)24家公司直接向公眾出售DNA檢測(cè)工具，價(jià)格從幾百美元到2500多美元不等。
    受歡迎的DNA測(cè)試是父子和血緣關(guān)系檢測(cè)，被收養(yǎng)的孩子可以利用它找到自己的生物學(xué)親屬，家庭也可以用它來(lái)追蹤到被收養(yǎng)的孩子。DNA檢測(cè)近不受到許多熱心的族譜學(xué)家追捧，還為那些提供家族尋根服務(wù)的公司提供了支持。
    許多測(cè)試需要從唾液中獲取細(xì)胞，將唾液送至公司進(jìn)行檢測(cè)。所有的測(cè)試都需要另外一個(gè)相關(guān)人員的DNA進(jìn)行比對(duì)。
    但是觀察家們持懷疑態(tài)度。紐約州立大學(xué)的社會(huì)學(xué)家特洛伊·達(dá)斯特說(shuō)，“那些聲稱(chēng)可以進(jìn)行血統(tǒng)檢測(cè)的人，他們兜售的測(cè)試有一定的不準(zhǔn)確性”。他注意到每個(gè)人都有許多祖先，僅幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以前就有幾百個(gè)之多。但是多數(shù)血統(tǒng)檢測(cè)只考慮某個(gè)單一系統(tǒng)，或者是遺傳自父親的Y染色體，或者是只由母親遺傳的線(xiàn)粒體DNA。這個(gè)DNA只揭示了一兩個(gè)祖先的基因信息。但是，僅僅3代之前，除了曾祖父母，他們還有6個(gè)外曾祖父母，或者4代以前，除了曾曾祖父母，他們還有14個(gè)外曾曾祖父母。
    批評(píng)家們還爭(zhēng)論說(shuō)商業(yè)性基因檢測(cè)的好壞取決于參照基因數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)的好壞，參照基因數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)是用來(lái)同樣本進(jìn)行對(duì)比的。一些公司使用的數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)里的數(shù)據(jù)并非系統(tǒng)性的采集而得，而是將不同研究項(xiàng)目的信息胡亂搜集在一起。這意味某個(gè)DNA數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)可能會(huì)從某些地區(qū)收集很多信息，而在別的地區(qū)不收集信息，所以一個(gè)人的測(cè)試結(jié)果會(huì)隨著測(cè)試公司的不同而不同。此外，公司用來(lái)評(píng)估血緣關(guān)系的電腦程序可能申請(qǐng)了專(zhuān)利，不能對(duì)其進(jìn)行同行審查或外界評(píng)估。
    第一段中心句：All he needs to do is shell out $30 for paternity testing kit (PTK) at his local drugstore – and another $120 to get the results. 他所要做的就是在住所附近的藥店里付30美元買(mǎi)一個(gè)父子關(guān)系測(cè)試包(PTK)，然后另支付120美元以獲得結(jié)果。
    第二段中心句:More than 60,000 people have purchased the PTKs since they first become available without prescriptions last years, according to Doug Fog, chief operating officer of Identigene, which makes the overthecounter kits. Doug Fogg是Identigene(生產(chǎn)這種在藥店可以出售的測(cè)試包的公司)的首席運(yùn)營(yíng)官，該公司生產(chǎn)了在藥店可以售出的這個(gè)測(cè)試包，他指出去年P(guān)TK無(wú)需處方就可以買(mǎi)到，自那以來(lái)，購(gòu)買(mǎi)者已經(jīng)超過(guò)6萬(wàn)人。
    第三段中心句:Among the most popular: paternity and kinship testing, which adopted children can use to find their biological relatives and latest rage a many passionate genealogistsand supports businesses that offer to search for a family’s geographic roots . 受歡迎的DNA測(cè)試是父子和血緣關(guān)系檢測(cè)，被收養(yǎng)的孩子可以利用它找到自己的生物學(xué)親屬，家庭可以用它來(lái)追蹤到被收養(yǎng)的孩子。
    第四段中心句:Most tests require collecting cells by webbing saliva in the mouth and sending it to the company for testing. 許多測(cè)試需要收取口中的唾液來(lái)獲取細(xì)胞，將唾液送至公司進(jìn)行檢測(cè)。
    第五段中心句:But some observers are skeptical. 但是觀察家們持懷疑態(tài)度。
    第六段中心句:Critics also argue that commercial genetic testing is only as good as the reference collections to which a sample is compared. 批評(píng)家們還爭(zhēng)論說(shuō)商業(yè)性基因檢測(cè)的好壞取決于參照基因數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)的好壞，參照基因數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)是用來(lái)同樣本進(jìn)行對(duì)比的。
    答案A C D A B(解析略)
    Text 3
    The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries is widely misunderstood by economists and politicians alike. Progress in both areas is undoubtedly necessary for the social, political and intellectual development of these and all other societies; however, the conventional view that education should be one of the very highest priorities for promoting rapid economic development in poor countries is wrong. We are fortunate that it is, because building new educational systems there and putting enough people through them to improve economic performance would require two or three generations. The findings of a research institution have consistently shown that workers in all countries can be trained on the job to achieve radical higher productivity and, as a result, radically higher standards of living.
    Ironically, the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States. Not long ago, with the country entering a recessing and Japan at its prebubble peak, the U.S. workforce was derided as poorly educated and one of primary cause of the poor U.S. economic performance. Japan was, and remains, the global leader in automotiveassembly productivity. Yet the research revealed that the U.S. factories of Honda, Nissan, and Toyota achieved about 95 percent of the productivity of their Japanese counterparts—a result of the training that U.S. workers received on the job.
    More recently, while examining housing construction, the researchers discovered that illiterate, non-English-speaking Mexican workers in Houston, Texas, consistently met best-practice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industry’s work.
    What is the real relationship between education and economic development? We have to suspect that continuing economic growth promotes the development of education even when governments don’t force it. After all, that’s how education got started. When our ancestors were hunters and gatherers 10,000 years ago, they didn’t have time to wonder much about anything besides finding food. Only when humanity began to get its food in a more productive way was there time for other things.
    As education improved, humanity’s productivity potential increased as well. When the competitive environment pushed our ancestors to achieve that potential, they could in turn afford more education. This increasingly high level of education is probably a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the complex political systems required by advanced economic performance. Thus poor countries might not be able to escape their poverty traps without political changes that may be possible only with broader formal education. A lack of formal education, however, doesn’t constrain the ability of the developing world’s workforce to substantially improve productivity for the foreseeable future. On the contrary, constraints on improving productivity explain why education isn’t developing more quickly there than it is.
    貧窮國(guó)家中正規(guī)教育與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展之間的關(guān)系為經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家及政治家們普遍誤解。毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，在這兩個(gè)方面都有所進(jìn)步，對(duì)于這些國(guó)家及其他國(guó)家的社會(huì)、政治及學(xué)術(shù)發(fā)展而言是必要的，但是那種認(rèn)為教育是促進(jìn)貧窮國(guó)家經(jīng)濟(jì)快速發(fā)展的重中之重的傳統(tǒng)觀點(diǎn)是錯(cuò)誤的。我們慶幸這個(gè)觀念不對(duì)，因?yàn)閯?chuàng)立新的教育體制，讓足夠多的人接受教育以推動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展需要兩代或三代人來(lái)完成。一家研究機(jī)構(gòu)的研究成果一再表明：所有國(guó)家的工人都可以進(jìn)行在職培訓(xùn)以大幅度提高生產(chǎn)率，從而提高生活水平。
    具有諷刺意味的是，這一觀點(diǎn)的首個(gè)證據(jù)出現(xiàn)在美國(guó)。不久前，隨著美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)陷入衰退，日本正處于泡沫破滅前的高峰期，美國(guó)工人被嘲諷沒(méi)有受過(guò)良好教育，并且被認(rèn)為這是美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)不景氣的主要原因之一。在全球，不管過(guò)去還是現(xiàn)在，日本一直是汽車(chē)組裝生產(chǎn)力的領(lǐng)袖。然而，研究表明豐田、尼桑和本田位于美國(guó)工廠(chǎng)的生產(chǎn)率大約是日本同行的95%，這是美國(guó)工人接受在職培訓(xùn)的結(jié)果。
    近，在進(jìn)行住戶(hù)建設(shè)檢查時(shí)，研究人員發(fā)現(xiàn)在德克薩斯州的休斯頓，盡管房地產(chǎn)行業(yè)的工作非常復(fù)雜，但是未受過(guò)教育的，英語(yǔ)不是母語(yǔ)的墨西哥工人總是能夠達(dá)到佳的勞動(dòng)生產(chǎn)率標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。
    教育與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展之間的關(guān)系到底如何?我們不得不懷疑，即使政府不強(qiáng)迫發(fā)展教育，經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)增長(zhǎng)也會(huì)促進(jìn)教育事業(yè)的發(fā)展。畢竟，教育就是那樣開(kāi)始的。一萬(wàn)年前當(dāng)我們的祖先還在狩獵和采集野果時(shí)，除了尋找食物他們沒(méi)有時(shí)間想其它很多的東西。只有當(dāng)人類(lèi)能夠更高效地獲取食物時(shí)，才有時(shí)間做其它的事情。
    隨著教育的進(jìn)步，人類(lèi)的生產(chǎn)潛力也增加了。當(dāng)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的環(huán)境推動(dòng)我們的祖先實(shí)現(xiàn)這一潛力，他們又可以獲得更多的教育機(jī)會(huì)。先進(jìn)的經(jīng)濟(jì)水平要求復(fù)雜的政治制度，越來(lái)越高的教育水平可能是這種復(fù)雜政治制度的必要的，但不是充分的條件。因此，如果沒(méi)有政治改革，貧窮國(guó)家可能無(wú)法擺脫其貧困陷阱，而政治改革則只能靠更廣泛的正規(guī)教育實(shí)現(xiàn)。但是，發(fā)展中國(guó)家的勞動(dòng)力在可預(yù)見(jiàn)的未來(lái)持續(xù)提高生產(chǎn)力的能力沒(méi)有因缺乏正規(guī)教育而受到限制。相反，生產(chǎn)力的提高受到限制解釋了為什么教育的發(fā)展速度不是更快了。
    第一段中心句：The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries is widely misunderstood by economists and politicians alike. 貧窮國(guó)家中正規(guī)教育與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展之間的關(guān)系為經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家及政治家們所誤解。
    第二段中心句:Ironically, the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States. 具有諷刺意味的是，這一觀點(diǎn)的首個(gè)證據(jù)出現(xiàn)在美國(guó)。
    第三段中心句:More recently, while examining housing construction, the researchers discovered that illiterate, nonEnglishspeaking Mexican workers in Houston, Texas, consistently met bestpractice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industry’s work. 近，在進(jìn)行住戶(hù)建設(shè)檢查時(shí)，研究人員發(fā)現(xiàn)在德克薩斯州的休斯頓，盡管房地產(chǎn)行業(yè)的工作非常復(fù)雜，未受過(guò)教育的，英語(yǔ)不是母語(yǔ)的墨西哥工人總是能夠達(dá)到工作生產(chǎn)率的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。
    第四段中心句:What is the real relationship between education and economic development? 教育與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展之間的關(guān)系到底如何?
    第五段中心句:This increasingly high level of education is probably a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the complex political systems required by advanced economic performance. 先進(jìn)的經(jīng)濟(jì)水平要求復(fù)雜的政治制度，越來(lái)越高的教育水平可能是這種復(fù)雜政治制度的必要的，但不是充分的條件。
    答案D B B C C(解析略)
    Text 4
    The most thoroughly studied intellectuals in the history of the new world are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenthcentury New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was “So much important attached to intellectual pursuits.” According to many books and articles, New England’s leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.
    To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans’ theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church—important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture, adjusting to New world circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
    The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629, there were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. These men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.
    We should not forget, however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few crafts men or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary compositions to be analyzed, it is obvious that their views were less fully intellectualized. Their thinking often had a traditional superstitions quality. A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. Sexual confusion, economic frustrations , and religious hope—all name together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words: “come out from among them, touch no unclean thing , and I will be your God and you shall be my people.” One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in puritan churches.
    Meanwhile, many settlers had slighter religious commitments than Dane’s, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion . “Our main end was to catch fish.”
    在新大陸的歷，被研究的徹底的學(xué)者是17世紀(jì)新英格蘭的牧師和政治領(lǐng)袖們。根據(jù)美國(guó)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)哲學(xué)史的記載，在美洲殖民地中,“其他地區(qū)的人對(duì)學(xué)術(shù)的追求都沒(méi)有這么狂熱?！睋?jù)許多書(shū)籍及文章記載，新英格蘭的領(lǐng)袖們?cè)诿绹?guó)學(xué)術(shù)界中確立了正在發(fā)展、后來(lái)成為主流的清教傳統(tǒng)的基本主題和關(guān)注點(diǎn)。
    通過(guò)這條途徑來(lái)了解新英格蘭人，通常意味著要首先研究清教徒的神學(xué)創(chuàng)新和對(duì)于教會(huì)的不同理念——這是我們不可忽略的重要課題。但是為了與我們對(duì)南部學(xué)術(shù)界的研究保持一致，我們可以將初的清教徒們視作歐洲文化的傳遞者，他們根據(jù)新大陸的情況進(jìn)行了調(diào)整。新英格蘭作為殖民地，在追求廣為人知的禮貌及藝術(shù)鑒賞力的過(guò)程中發(fā)生了許多重要事件。
    到達(dá)馬薩諸塞州的早定居者包括那些在英格蘭接受過(guò)良好的教育并深具影響力的英國(guó)人。在1629年之后的十年間，除了90多位來(lái)到馬薩諸塞教堂的有學(xué)識(shí)的牧師，還有像約翰·溫斯羅普這樣的政治領(lǐng)袖，在到達(dá)波士頓之前，他是一位受過(guò)良好教育的紳士、律師及皇室官員。這些人大量寫(xiě)作、出版書(shū)籍，新舊大陸都有讀者，這樣便給新大陸帶來(lái)了熱衷學(xué)術(shù)的氛圍。
    但是，我們不應(yīng)該忘記，大多數(shù)新英格蘭人沒(méi)有受過(guò)良好教育。極少有工匠或農(nóng)民(更不用說(shuō)靠他們養(yǎng)活的家人及仆人)留下文學(xué)作品以供分析，但是很明顯，他們的觀點(diǎn)并不具有很大的學(xué)術(shù)性。他們的思想中往往有一種傳統(tǒng)的迷信成份。一個(gè)名為約翰·戴恩的裁縫于17世紀(jì)30年代末移民到新大陸，他留下一個(gè)記錄，陳述了離開(kāi)英格蘭的理由，內(nèi)容充滿(mǎn)了預(yù)兆。在一個(gè)決定性的時(shí)刻，他打開(kāi)圣經(jīng)，告訴父親說(shuō)，自己看到的第一行字會(huì)決定他的命運(yùn)，他讀了那些神奇的話(huà)語(yǔ)：“(圣經(jīng)原文)從他們中間出來(lái)，不要沾不潔凈之物，我將成為你們的神，你們將成為我的子民”。性的混亂，經(jīng)濟(jì)挫折和宗教希望——這所有的一切在他打開(kāi)圣經(jīng)的一剎那都出現(xiàn)了。人們想知道戴恩在清教教堂里聽(tīng)到布道牧師認(rèn)真解釋圣經(jīng)時(shí)會(huì)作何感想。
    與此同時(shí)，許多定居者并沒(méi)有戴恩那樣虔誠(chéng)，就像一位牧師在海邊遇到一些人時(shí)聽(tīng)到的那樣，那些人嘲弄說(shuō)他們不是為了宗教來(lái)到新大陸的。“我們的主要目的是為了捕魚(yú)?！?BR>    第一段中心句：The most thoroughly studied in the history of the new world are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenthcentury New England. 在新大陸的歷，被研究的徹底的學(xué)者是17世紀(jì)新英格蘭的牧師和政治領(lǐng)袖們。
    第二段中心句:But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture adjusting to New world circumstances. 但是為了與我們對(duì)南部學(xué)術(shù)界的研究保持一致，我們可以將初的清教徒們視作歐洲文化的傳遞者，他們根據(jù)新大陸的情況進(jìn)行了調(diào)整。
    第三段中心句:The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. 到達(dá)馬薩諸塞州的早定居者包括那些在英格蘭接受過(guò)良好的教育并深具影響力的英國(guó)人。
    第四段中心句:We should not forget, however, that most New Englanders were less well educated. 但是，我們不應(yīng)該忘記，大多數(shù)新英格蘭人沒(méi)有接受過(guò)良好教育。
    第五段中心句:Mean while, many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane’s, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion. 與此同時(shí)，許多定居者并沒(méi)有戴恩那樣虔誠(chéng)，就像一位牧師在海邊遇到一些人時(shí)聽(tīng)到的那樣，那些人嘲弄說(shuō)他們不是為了宗教來(lái)到新大陸的。
    答案：BBDAC(解析略)
    Part B
    Directions:
    In the following text, some sentences have been removed. For Questions (4145), choose the most suitable one from the list AG to fit into each of the numbered blank. There are two extra choices, which do not fit in any of the gaps. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (10 points)
    Coinciding with the groundbreaking theory of biological evolution proposed by British naturalist Charles Darwin in the 1860s, British social philosopher Herbert Spencer put forward his own theory of biological and cultural evolution. Spencer argued that all worldly phenomena, including human societies, changed over time, advancing toward perfection. 41. .
    American social scientist Lewis Henry Morgan introduced another theory of cultural evolution in the late 1800s. Morgan, along with Tylor, was one of the founders of modern anthropology. In his work, he attempted to show how all aspects of culture changed together in the evolution of societies. 42. .
    In the early 1900s in North America, Germanborn American anthropologist Franz Boas developed a new theory of culture known as historical particularism. Historical particularism, which emphasized the uniqueness of all cultures, gave new direction to anthropology. 43. .
    Boas felt that the culture of any society must be understood as the result of a unique history and not as one of many cultures belonging to a broader evolutionary stage or type of culture. 44. .
    Historical particularism became a dominant approach to the study of culture in American anthropology, largely through the influence of many students of Boas. But a number of anthropologists in the early 1900s also rejected the particularist theory of culture in favor of diffusionism. Some attributed virtually every important cultural achievement to the inventions of a few, especially gifted peoples that, according to diffusionists, then spread to other cultures. 45. .
    Also in the early 1900s, French sociologist Emile Durkheim developed a theory of culture that would greatly influence anthropology. Durkheim proposed that religious beliefs functioned to reinforce social solidarity. An interest in the relationship between the function of society and culture—known as functionalism—became a major theme in European, and especially British, anthropology.
    在19世紀(jì)60年代，英國(guó)自然學(xué)家查爾斯·達(dá)爾文提出突破性的生物進(jìn)化理論，與此巧合的是，英國(guó)社會(huì)哲學(xué)家赫波特·斯賓塞也提出了自己的生物和文化演變理論。斯賓塞認(rèn)為，所有世俗的現(xiàn)象，包括人類(lèi)社會(huì)，都隨著時(shí)間的推移而改變，走向完善。他認(rèn)為，人類(lèi)進(jìn)化的特點(diǎn)是他稱(chēng)為“適者生存”的斗爭(zhēng)，弱小種族和社會(huì)終必將被更強(qiáng)大、更先進(jìn)的種族和社會(huì)所取代。
    19世紀(jì)后期，美國(guó)社會(huì)科學(xué)家路易斯·亨利·摩根引進(jìn)另一種文化演變理論。摩根幫助創(chuàng)立了現(xiàn)代人類(lèi)學(xué)，該學(xué)科是對(duì)人類(lèi)社會(huì)、習(xí)俗和信仰的科學(xué)研究，因此他也成為了早的人類(lèi)學(xué)家之一。摩根在他的著作中試圖展示社會(huì)進(jìn)程中文化在所有方面發(fā)生的變化。因此，他認(rèn)為，不同方面的文化，如家庭結(jié)構(gòu)，婚姻形式，親屬關(guān)系類(lèi)別，財(cái)產(chǎn)所有權(quán)，政府形式，技術(shù)和糧食生產(chǎn)制度，都隨著社會(huì)的發(fā)展而改變。
    20世紀(jì)初期，在北美，德裔美國(guó)人類(lèi)學(xué)家弗蘭茲·博厄斯形成了一種新的文化理論，被稱(chēng)為歷史特殊論。這種文化理論強(qiáng)調(diào)所有文化的獨(dú)特性，它為人類(lèi)學(xué)提供了新的方向。其他人類(lèi)學(xué)家認(rèn)為，文化創(chuàng)新，如發(fā)明，只有一個(gè)來(lái)源，從一個(gè)社會(huì)傳遞至另一社會(huì)。這一理論被稱(chēng)為擴(kuò)散主義。
    博厄斯認(rèn)為，任何社會(huì)的文化必須被理解為源自一種獨(dú)特歷史，而不是許多文化屬于的一個(gè)更廣泛的文化進(jìn)化階段或文化類(lèi)型的一種。為了盡可能完整地研究特定文化，博厄斯精通了語(yǔ)言學(xué)(對(duì)語(yǔ)言的研究)和體質(zhì)人類(lèi)學(xué)(對(duì)人類(lèi)生物學(xué)和解剖學(xué)的研究)。
    在博厄斯許多弟子的影響下，“歷史特殊論”成為美國(guó)人類(lèi)學(xué)文化研究中占主導(dǎo)的方法。但在20世紀(jì)初，一些人類(lèi)學(xué)家還是不認(rèn)同文化特殊性理論，而是支持?jǐn)U散主義。一些人幾乎將每一個(gè)重要的文化成就歸功于少數(shù)某些人，特別是天才的發(fā)明，之后，發(fā)明傳播到其他文化中去，這就是擴(kuò)散主義者的觀點(diǎn)。例如，英國(guó)人類(lèi)學(xué)家格拉夫頓·埃利特·史密斯和佩里由于資料不足而提出過(guò)這樣的錯(cuò)誤觀點(diǎn)，即農(nóng)業(yè)，陶器制作，冶金這些都起源于古埃及，之后擴(kuò)散到世界各地。事實(shí)上，所有這些文化的發(fā)展都在不同的時(shí)間發(fā)生在不同的地方。
    另外，在20世紀(jì)初，法國(guó)社會(huì)學(xué)家迪爾凱姆提出了一種可能會(huì)對(duì)人類(lèi)學(xué)產(chǎn)生極大影響的文化理論。迪爾凱姆認(rèn)為宗教信仰能夠在加強(qiáng)社會(huì)團(tuán)結(jié)方面起作用。關(guān)注社會(huì)職能和文化之間的關(guān)系，成為歐洲，特別是英國(guó)人類(lèi)學(xué)的一個(gè)重要課題。
    [A]Other anthropologists believed that cultural innovations, such as inventions, had a single origin and passed from society to society. This theory was known as diffusionism.
    [B]In order to study particular cultures as completely as possible, he became skilled in linguistics, the study of languages, and in physical anthropology, the study of human biology and anatomy.
    [C]He argued that human evolution was characterized by a struggle he called the “survival of the fittest,” in which weaker races and societies must eventually be replaced by stronger, more advanced races and societies.
    [D]They also focused on important rituals that appeared to preserve a people’s social structure, such as initiation ceremonies that formally signify children’s entrance into adulthood.
    [E]Thus, in his view, diverse aspects of culture, such as the structure of families, forms of marriage, categories of kinship, ownership of property, forms of government, technology, and systems of food production, all changed as societies evolved.
    [F]Supporters of the theory viewed as a collection of integrated parts that work together to keep a society functioning.
    [G]For example, British anthropologists Grafton Elliot Smith and W. J. Perry incorrectly suggested, on the basis of inadequate information, that farming, pottery making, and metallurgy all originated in ancient Egypt and diffused throughout the world. In fact, all of these cultural developments occurred separately at different times in many parts of the world.
    本篇講述的是19至20世紀(jì)人類(lèi)學(xué)發(fā)展過(guò)程中的各種文化理論。
    第一段：Herbert Spencer的“生物和文化演變理論”。
    第二段：Lewis Henry Morgan的文化進(jìn)化理論。
    第三段：Franz Boas提出的 “歷史特殊論”以及其他人類(lèi)學(xué)家認(rèn)為的“擴(kuò)散主義”。
    第四段：詳細(xì)介紹了歷史特殊論。
    第五段：介紹了擴(kuò)散主義。
    第六段：介紹了Emile Durkheim提出了一種關(guān)注社會(huì)職能和文化關(guān)系的功能主義理論。
    [A]——43題
    其他人類(lèi)學(xué)家認(rèn)為，文化創(chuàng)新，如發(fā)明，只有一個(gè)來(lái)源，從一個(gè)社會(huì)傳遞至另一社會(huì)。這一理論被稱(chēng)為擴(kuò)散主義。
    [B]——44題
    為了盡可能完整地研究特定文化，博厄斯精通了語(yǔ)言學(xué)(對(duì)語(yǔ)言的研究)和體質(zhì)人類(lèi)學(xué)(對(duì)人類(lèi)生物學(xué)和解剖學(xué)的研究)。
    [C]——41題
    他認(rèn)為，人類(lèi)進(jìn)化的特點(diǎn)是他稱(chēng)為“適者生存”的斗爭(zhēng)，弱小種族和社會(huì)終必將被更強(qiáng)大、更先進(jìn)的種族和社會(huì)所取代。
    [D]——不選
    他們也注意重要的典禮，這些典禮的出現(xiàn)保障了一個(gè)民族社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)的穩(wěn)定，比如標(biāo)志著兒童步入成年的成年禮。
    [E]——42題
    因此，他認(rèn)為，不同方面的文化，如家庭結(jié)構(gòu)，婚姻形式，親屬關(guān)系類(lèi)別，財(cái)產(chǎn)所有權(quán)，政府形式，技術(shù)和糧食生產(chǎn)制度，都隨著社會(huì)的發(fā)展而改變。
    [F]——不選
    這個(gè)理論的支持者將文化看做各綜合部分的集合，它們一同發(fā)揮作用保證社會(huì)系統(tǒng)的運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)。
    [G]——45題
    例如，英國(guó)人類(lèi)學(xué)家格拉夫頓·埃利特·史密斯和佩里由于資料不足而提出過(guò)這樣的錯(cuò)誤觀點(diǎn)，即農(nóng)業(yè)、陶器制作和冶金這些都起源于古埃及，之后擴(kuò)散到世界各地。事實(shí)上，所有這些文化的發(fā)展都在不同的時(shí)間發(fā)生在不同的地方。
    選項(xiàng)[A]講述的是擴(kuò)散主義理論，而且以O(shè)ther anthropologists開(kāi)頭，很顯然前面應(yīng)該提到一位或一些人類(lèi)學(xué)家的觀點(diǎn)以與其構(gòu)成對(duì)比。因此43或44空格處似乎都適合，但43空格前講到gave new direction to anthropology，很顯然后面應(yīng)緊接一種別的人類(lèi)學(xué)家認(rèn)同的舊的方向以形成對(duì)比，所以放入第43題空處符合上下文。
    選項(xiàng)[B]講述的是為了研究特定文化，he精通了語(yǔ)言學(xué)和體質(zhì)人類(lèi)學(xué)，因此前文肯定是在講述一個(gè)人。由特定文化(particular culture)可知，he所持的觀點(diǎn)應(yīng)為強(qiáng)調(diào)文化的獨(dú)特性，由此可以推測(cè)這個(gè)人應(yīng)該是Bias，文章第三、四段都是講Bias的，43題已選出答案，故B應(yīng)填在44處，且B中的particular culture也與前文的unique history對(duì)應(yīng)。
    選項(xiàng)[C]講述的是he認(rèn)為人類(lèi)進(jìn)化的特點(diǎn)也是 “適者生存”的斗爭(zhēng)，由survival of the fittest可以想到達(dá)爾文的進(jìn)化論，而文章第一段就提到了達(dá)爾文，并講到與此巧合的是，斯賓塞提出自己的生物和文化演變理論，認(rèn)為所有世俗的現(xiàn)象，包括人類(lèi)社會(huì)，都隨著時(shí)間的推移而改變，走向完善。后面應(yīng)該還是繼續(xù)闡述他的觀點(diǎn)，且他的觀點(diǎn)應(yīng)該與達(dá)爾文的進(jìn)化論有類(lèi)似之處，因此C填在41處合適。
    選項(xiàng)[D] 講到一些重要典禮如成年禮可以保障一個(gè)民族社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)的穩(wěn)定，在文章中找不到對(duì)應(yīng)的段落，故不選。
    選項(xiàng)[E]講的是某人的觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，不同方面的文化都隨著社會(huì)的發(fā)展而改變。這與第二段中摩根的文化進(jìn)化論相吻合，與42空之前的In his work, he attempted to show how all aspects of culture changed together in the evolution of societies.是相呼應(yīng)的，因此放入42空處合適。
    選項(xiàng)[F]講到某個(gè)理論的支持者將文化看做各綜合部分的集合，它們一同發(fā)揮作用保證社會(huì)系統(tǒng)的運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)。該理論在文中找不到對(duì)應(yīng)的內(nèi)容，故不選。
    選項(xiàng)[G]先舉了一個(gè)例子，即史密斯和佩里提出一個(gè)錯(cuò)誤的觀點(diǎn)，認(rèn)為農(nóng)業(yè)、陶器制作和冶金這些都起源于古埃及，之后擴(kuò)散到世界各地。史密斯和佩里的觀點(diǎn)顯然是擴(kuò)散主義的主張，文章第五段解釋了擴(kuò)散主義，該句填在45處正好緊承前面的解釋。
    Part C
    Directions:
    Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. Your translation should be written carefully on ANSWER SHEET 2. (10 points)
    There is a marked difference between the education which every one gets from living with others, and the deliberate educating of the young. In the former case the education is incidental; it is natural and important, but it is not the express reason of the association.(46)It may be said that the measure of the worth of any social institution is its effect in enlarging and improving experience; but this effect is not a part of its original motive. Religious associations began, for example, in the desire to secure the favor of overruling powers and to ward off evil influences; family life in the desire to gratify appetites and secure family perpetuity; systematic labor, for the most part, because of enslavement to others, etc. (47)Only gradually was the byproduct of the institution noted, and only more gradually still was this effect considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution. Even today, in our industrial life, apart from certain values of industriousness and thrift, the intellectual and emotional reaction of the forms of human association under which the world’s work is carried on receives little attention as compared with physical output.
    But in dealing with the young, the fact of association itself as an immediate human fact, gains in importance.(48)While it is easy to ignore in our contact with them the effect of our acts upon their disposition, it is not so easy as in dealing with adults. The need of training is too evident; the pressure to accomplish a change in their attitude and habits is too urgent to leave these consequences wholly out of account. (49)Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life we cannot help considering whether or not we are forming the powers which will secure this ability. If humanity has made some headway in realizing that the ultimate value of every institution is its distinctively human effect we may well believe that this lesson has been learned largely through dealings with the young.
    (50)We are thus led to distinguish, within the broad educational process which we have been so far considering, a more formal kind of education—that of direct tuition or schooling. In undeveloped social groups, we find very little formal teaching and training. These groups mainly rely for instilling needed dispositions into the young upon the same sort of association which keeps the adults loyal to their group.
    教育可以在每個(gè)人同他人生活時(shí)獲得，也可以通過(guò)年輕人有目的的學(xué)習(xí)獲得，這兩種教育有很大的區(qū)別。前一種情況下教育帶有偶然性，它在自然而然中發(fā)生，也很重要，但這并不是這種關(guān)系發(fā)生的明確理由?；蛟S可以說(shuō)，任何社會(huì)機(jī)構(gòu)的價(jià)值衡量尺度是它在豐富和提升經(jīng)驗(yàn)方面所起到的作用，但這種作用并非是它原來(lái)動(dòng)機(jī)的一部分。例如，為了保證從****強(qiáng)權(quán)中得到的好處，避免邪惡勢(shì)力的影響，宗教團(tuán)體出現(xiàn)了;為了滿(mǎn)足人們的食欲，保持家庭穩(wěn)固，家庭生活開(kāi)始了。成體系的勞動(dòng)制度，很大程度上也是由于奴役他人產(chǎn)生的。慢慢的，社會(huì)機(jī)構(gòu)的這種副產(chǎn)品才被人們注意到，而要把它作為機(jī)構(gòu)運(yùn)行的指導(dǎo)性因素，則更加緩慢得多。即使今天，在我們的工業(yè)化生活里，人類(lèi)工作是在各種人際關(guān)系中進(jìn)行的。但是除了某些價(jià)值觀如勤奮、節(jié)儉，人們對(duì)其他人際關(guān)系形式在智力和情感方面的反應(yīng)的關(guān)注，與物質(zhì)成果比起來(lái)少了太多太多。
    但在與年輕人交往時(shí)，人際關(guān)系本身就是人類(lèi)現(xiàn)實(shí)的這一事實(shí)非常重要。我們很容易忽略在接觸中我們的行為對(duì)他們性格的影響，但是在與成年人交往時(shí)，這種影響是不容易被忽略的。培訓(xùn)的必要性太明顯了。讓他們改變態(tài)度和習(xí)慣的任務(wù)太緊迫了，以致于不能完全不考慮這些后果。既然我們與年輕人交往的主要目的是讓他們也能夠分享日常生活中的一切，我們不禁要考慮：我們是否正在形成一種力量來(lái)確保他們的這種能力。如果人類(lèi)在“每個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)的終價(jià)值是它對(duì)人類(lèi)的影響”這一認(rèn)識(shí)上的有所進(jìn)步的話(huà)，我們完全可以相信這些進(jìn)步很大程度上都是在與年輕人的交往中獲得的。
    因此，在我們迄今一直在思考的寬泛的教育過(guò)程中，我們需要區(qū)分出一種更正規(guī)的教育方式，即直接的指導(dǎo)或?qū)W校教育。在欠發(fā)達(dá)社會(huì)中，我們很少發(fā)現(xiàn)正規(guī)的教育或培訓(xùn)。這些群體主要依賴(lài)和讓成年人對(duì)群體保持忠誠(chéng)同樣的關(guān)系，來(lái)給年輕人灌輸所需要的性情。
    46.It may be said that the measure of the worth of any social institution is its effect in enlarging and improving experience; but this effect is not a part of its original motive.
    【結(jié)構(gòu)分析】
    It may be saidthat the measure of the worth of any social institution is its effect in enlarging and improving experience; but this effect is not a part of its original motive.
    這是一個(gè)并列復(fù)合句。It may be said that 是一個(gè)固定句型，用來(lái)引出主語(yǔ)從句;that the measure of the worth of any social institution is its effect in enlarging and improving experience 是主語(yǔ)從句的內(nèi)容，為主系表結(jié)構(gòu)，其中in enlarging and improving experience是介詞短語(yǔ)作定語(yǔ)，修飾effect ; 句子but this effect is not a part of its original motive是主系表結(jié)構(gòu)的簡(jiǎn)單句，用but體現(xiàn)與前面的轉(zhuǎn)接關(guān)系。
    【詞義推敲】
    measure 尺度，標(biāo)準(zhǔn)
    motive 動(dòng)機(jī)
    【翻譯潤(rùn)色】
    It may be said或許可以說(shuō)
    that the measure of the worth of any social institution is its effect in enlarging and improving experience 任何社會(huì)機(jī)構(gòu)的價(jià)值衡量尺度是它在豐富和提升經(jīng)驗(yàn)方面所起到的作用
    but this effect is not a part of its original motive 但是這種影響并不是它原來(lái)的動(dòng)機(jī)的一部分。
    【參考譯文】
    或許可以說(shuō)，任何社會(huì)機(jī)構(gòu)的價(jià)值衡量尺度是它在豐富和提升經(jīng)驗(yàn)方面所起到的作用，但這種作用并非是它原來(lái)的動(dòng)機(jī)的一部分。
    47.Only gradually was the byproduct of the institution noted, and only more gradually still was this effect considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution.
    【結(jié)構(gòu)分析】
    Only gradually was the byproduct of the institution noted, and only more gradually still was this effect considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution.
    這是一個(gè)并列句，兩個(gè)并列分句都是部分倒裝的形式(only加上副詞置于句首的部分倒裝)，前半句為only gradually置于句首的倒裝，正常語(yǔ)序?yàn)門(mén)he byproduct of the institution was noted only gradually;后半句為only more gradually still置于句首的倒裝，正常語(yǔ)序?yàn)閍nd this effect was still considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution only more gradually.
    【詞義推敲】
    By-product 副產(chǎn)品
    【翻譯潤(rùn)色】
    Only gradually was the byproduct of the institution noted慢慢的，社會(huì)機(jī)構(gòu)的這種副產(chǎn)品才被人們注意到
    and only more gradually still was this effect considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution而要把它作為機(jī)構(gòu)運(yùn)行的指導(dǎo)性因素，則更加緩慢得多
    【參考譯文】
    慢慢的，社會(huì)機(jī)構(gòu)的這種副產(chǎn)品才被人們注意到，而要把它作為機(jī)構(gòu)運(yùn)行的指導(dǎo)性因素，則更加緩慢得多。
    48.While it is easy to ignore in our contact with them the effect of our acts upon their disposition, it is not so easy as in dealing with adults.
    【結(jié)構(gòu)分析】
    While it is easy to ignore in our contact with them the effect of our acts upon their disposition,  it is not so easy as in dealing with adults.
    這是一個(gè)復(fù)合句。While it is easy to ignore in our contact with them the effect of our acts upon their disposition是while引導(dǎo)的讓步狀語(yǔ)從句，其中in our contact with them 是介詞短語(yǔ)，在句子中做狀語(yǔ);it is not so easy as in dealing with adults是主句。
    【詞義推敲】
    disposition 性情
    deal with sb. 應(yīng)付，對(duì)待
    【翻譯潤(rùn)色】
    While it is easy to ignore the effect of our acts upon their disposition雖然我們很容易忽略我們的行為對(duì)他們性格的影響
    in our contact with them在和他們接觸的時(shí)候
    it is not so easy as in dealing with adults但是在與成年人交往時(shí)，這種影響是不容易被忽略的
    【參考譯文】
    我們很容易忽略在接觸中我們的行為對(duì)他們性格的影響，但是在與成年人交往時(shí)，這種影響是不容易被忽略的。
    49.Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life we cannot help considering whether or not we are forming the powers which will secure this ability.
    【結(jié)構(gòu)分析】
    Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life we cannot help considering whether or not we are forming the powers which will secure this ability.
    這是一個(gè)復(fù)合句。Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life 是since引導(dǎo)的原因狀語(yǔ)從句，we cannot help considering whether or not we are forming the powers which will secure this ability是主句，其中whether or not we are forming the powers which will secure this ability 是由whether引導(dǎo)的名詞從句，做consider的賓語(yǔ)，該從句中的which will secure this ability是定語(yǔ)從句，修飾先行詞powers。
    【詞義推敲】
    cannot help doing sth. 禁不住做某事
    【翻譯潤(rùn)色】
    Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life既然我們的主要目的是讓他們也能夠分享日常生活中的一切
    we cannot help considering 我們不禁要考慮
    whether or not we are forming the powers 我們是否正在形成一種力量
    which will secure this ability來(lái)確保這種能力的
    【參考譯文】
    既然我們與年輕人交往的主要目的是讓他們也能夠分享日常生活中的一切，我們不禁要考慮：我們是否正在形成一種力量來(lái)確保他們的這種能力。
    50.We are thus led to distinguish, within the broad educational process which we have been so far considering, a more formal kind of education—that of direct tuition or schooling.
    【結(jié)構(gòu)分析】
    We are thus led to distinguish, within the broad educational processwhich we have been so far considering, a more formal kind of education—that of direct tuition or schooling.
    這是一個(gè)復(fù)合句。We are thus led to distinguish a more formal kind of education—that of direct tuition or schooling是主句部分，其中that of direct tuition or schooling由破折號(hào)引出做補(bǔ)充說(shuō)明;within the broad educational process which we have been so far considering是插入語(yǔ)，其中which we have been so far considering是定語(yǔ)從句，修飾先行詞the broad educational process。
    【詞義推敲】
    tuition 教學(xué)，指導(dǎo)
    【翻譯潤(rùn)色】
    We are thus led to distinguish a more formal kind of education因此，我們需要區(qū)分出一種更正規(guī)的教育方式
    —that of direct tuition or schooling即直接的指導(dǎo)或?qū)W校教育
    within the broad educational process 在寬泛的教育過(guò)程中
    which we have been so far considering我們迄今一直在思考的
    【參考譯文】
    因此，在我們迄今一直在思考的寬泛的教育過(guò)程中，我們需要區(qū)分出一種更正規(guī)的教育方式，即直接的指導(dǎo)或?qū)W校教育。
    Section III Writing
    Part A
    51.Directions:
    Restrictions on the use of plastic bags have not been so successful in some regions. “White pollution ”is still going on. Write a letter to the editor(s) of your local newspaper to
    1)give your opinions briefly and,
    2) make two or three suggestions
    You should write about 100 words. Do not sign your own name at the end of the letter. Use “Li Ming” instead. You do not need to write the address.(10 points)
    SAMPLE：
    Dear Editor(s),
    I am writing this letter to draw your attention on “plastic pollution”. Though regulations that ban the free usage of plastic shopping bags have been put into effect，what is happening in some areas is less-than-satisfactory.
    How to solve this problem effectively has become a hot issue among many people in recent years. As for me, I would like to make several suggestions. On the one hand, the governments should set up rules and regulations to control the productivity and circulation of the plastic bags. On the other hand, people should realize the significance of protecting our environment and not use too many plastic bags.
    I would be greatly appreciated if you take my suggestions into consideration. And I sincerely hope that your Newspaper could help to solve the problem.
    Yours faithfully,
    Li Ming
    Part B
    52. Directions:
    Wnte an essay of 160-200 words based on the following drawing. In your essay, you should
    1) describe the drawing briefly,
    2) explain its intended meaning, and then
    3) give your comments.
    You should write neatly on ANSHWER SHEET 2. (20 points)
    本題漫畫(huà)中，一個(gè)大圈被分成若干格，每個(gè)格里都有一個(gè)人在上網(wǎng)。人們通過(guò)網(wǎng)絡(luò)聯(lián)系起來(lái)，形成一張如同蜘蛛網(wǎng)的錯(cuò)綜復(fù)雜的關(guān)系網(wǎng)。再由題目《網(wǎng)絡(luò)的“近”與“遠(yuǎn)”》，可以想到漫畫(huà)含義涉及網(wǎng)絡(luò)的兩個(gè)方面，一方面，網(wǎng)絡(luò)拉近了人們之間的距離，足不出戶(hù)便可進(jìn)行交流;但另一方面，由于人們?cè)絹?lái)越依賴(lài)網(wǎng)絡(luò)，面對(duì)面交流的機(jī)會(huì)越來(lái)越少了。
    圍繞這一主題，根據(jù)提綱要求，本文結(jié)構(gòu)設(shè)計(jì)如下：
    根據(jù)提綱中的信息1) describe the drawing briefly 第一段對(duì)漫畫(huà)進(jìn)行簡(jiǎn)單描述;
    根據(jù)提綱中的信息2) explain its intended meaning 第二段揭示漫畫(huà)的含義，從正反兩方面論述，一方面，網(wǎng)絡(luò)為人們提供了便利的條件，使人們的交流更加便捷和迅速;另一方面，人們的現(xiàn)實(shí)交流越來(lái)越少了，感情似乎也疏遠(yuǎn)了。
    根據(jù)提綱中的信息3) give your comments 第三段表明作者的看法，即網(wǎng)絡(luò)使社會(huì)成員的聯(lián)系更加緊密，但在一定程度上也疏遠(yuǎn)了人們之間的關(guān)系。
    SAMPLE
    The above picture gives a vivid description of a huge spider web which symbolizes Internet. There’s no doubt that Internet, an entirely new way of communication, is becoming so popular nowadays that it’s difficult to imagine modern life without it. It has revolutionized the way of people’s living and thinking, and has exerted a profound effect on our daily life.
    Definitely, the symbolic meaning of the picture subtly conveyed should be taken into deep consideration. First of all, with the Internet, it is convenient and fast for people to have access to a variety of information and what they need to do is just to press key buttons. What’s more, the great utility of the Internet allow people within a company, across a nation or even around the world to work together. Finally, we can do almost everything via Internet. Specifically, we can conduct E-business, advertise our products, book an air ticket, buy and sell stocks, even hunt a new job through clicking the mouse. Nevertheless, it is a two-edged sword as well and has its own negative effects. Some people tend to spend hours on Internet for the sake of relaxation and develop addictions. As a result, the public have an emotional distance sometimes and thus few face-to-face communications in reality due to Internet addiction without self-restriction.
    From what have been discussed above, it is clear that with a personal computer and modem, any individual can call up information about almost anything from almost anywhere and almost anytime on the web. All in all, Internet, an indispensable part in modern life, has the power to connect people and, yet, to some extent, alienate people in reality.