美國(guó)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)對(duì)于北美殖民地反對(duì)英國(guó)*、追求獨(dú)立自主的正義事業(yè)意義深遠(yuǎn)。但是，如同其他戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)一樣，所付出的代價(jià)是沉重的。除了人員傷亡造成的巨大損失，軍需供應(yīng)擾亂了殖民地的經(jīng)濟(jì)秩序。此外，英國(guó)的貿(mào)易封鎖造成物資匱乏，國(guó)內(nèi)財(cái)政赤字引發(fā)惡性通貨膨脹。盡管生活困窘，殖民地人群情激昂，又戰(zhàn)斗又生產(chǎn)，帶動(dòng)了美國(guó)制造業(yè)的興旺。
The Revolutionary War(1), which began officially on April 19, 1775, dragged on for more than six bitter years. It was a conflict fought by the colonials for the righteous cause of securing freedom from intolerable British intervention in American affairs(2).
Maritime commerce was always an important factor in the war effort, and trade linkages were vital to the supply of arms and ammunitions. When legal restrictions(3) were implemented by both the British and the colonists in 1775, nearly all American overseas commerce abruptly ceased. By mid-1775, the colonies faced acute shor tages in such military essentials as powder, flints, muskets, and knives. Even salt, shoes, woolens, and linens were in short supply. Late in 1775, Congress(4) auth orized limited trade with the West Indies, mainly to procure arms and ammunitions , and trade with other non-British areas was on an unrestricted basis by the spring of 1776.
Nevertheless, the British maintained a fairly effective naval blockade of Americ an ports, especially during the first two years of the war. Yet the colonies engaged in international trade despite the blockade. Formal treaties of commerce with France in 1778 and with Holland and Spain shortly thereafter stimulated the flows of overseas trade.(5) Between 1778 and early 1782, American wartime commerce was at its zenith. During those years, France, Holland, Spain, and their possessions all actively traded with the colonies. Even so, the flow of goods in and out of the colonies remained well below prewar levels. Smuggling, privateering, and legal trade with overseas partners only partially offset the drastic trade reductions with Britain. Even the coastal trades were curtailed by a lack of vessels, by blockades, and by wartime freight rates. British-occupied ports, such as New York, generated some import activity but little or nothing in the way of exports.
As exports and imports fell, import substitution(6) abounded, and the colonial economy became considerably more self-sufficient. In Philadelphia, for instance, nearly 4,000 women were employed to spin materials in their homes for the newly esta blished textile plants. A sharp increase also occurred in the number of artisan workshops with a similar stimulus in the production of beer, whiskey, and other do mestic alcoholic beverages. The rechanneling of American resources into import-competing industries was especially strong along the coast and in the major port cities. Only the least-commercialized rural areas remained little affected by the serpentine path of war and the sporadic flows of wartime commerce.
Overall, the war imposed a distinct economic hardship on the new nation. Most go ods rose in cost and were more difficult to obtain. High prices and severe commercial difficulties encouraged some investors to turn from commerce to manufacturing. Then, once the trade lanes reopened with the coming of peace, even those who profited from the war were stung by the tide of imports that swept into American ports and sharply lowered prices. Although many Americans escaped the direct ordea ls of war, few Americans were untouched by it --- at least indirectly.
Internally, the most pressing problems were financial. Between 1775 and 1781, the war was financed by the issue of paper money in amounts great enough to result in a galloping inflation(7) --- the only one ever experienced in America except in the Confederate South. Nearly $400 million (at face value) in continental money, quartermaster and commissary certificates of the central government, and paper money of the states was issued to defray wartime expenses. For all practical purposes, these various issues were repudiated by the middle of 1783, the effect being at ax(8) on those who held the depreciating currency while it declined in value(9). Only a relatively small foreign and domestic debttotaling less than $40 million remained(10), but the question of responsibility for its repayment remained a thorny issue because political leaders assumed that the states that paid the debt would ultimately hold the balance of power politically. More important was the fact that Congress had no independent income and had to rely for funds on catch-as-catch-can(11) contributions from the states, made roughly in proportion to their individual populations. Nor were the states without their own fiscal problems. By 1786, no less than seven states were issuing their own paper, and debtor groups(12) in the other six states were clamoring for similar issues. Although the issuing states (except Rhode Island) acted responsibly, perhaps no other course of events so frigh tened conservatives(13) as the control of the money supply by the states. Indeed, the legacy of hyperinflation left a general distrust of government monetary manage ment.
美國(guó)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng), 自1775年4月19日正式開始，經(jīng)歷了六年多的艱辛歲月。這是殖民地人為*英國(guó)對(duì)北美事務(wù)令人無(wú)法容忍的干預(yù)，爭(zhēng)取獨(dú)立自主的正義事業(yè)而進(jìn)行的斗爭(zhēng)。
海上商業(yè)活動(dòng)歷來(lái)是戰(zhàn)事中的重要環(huán)節(jié)，而保持貿(mào)易聯(lián)系對(duì)于武器彈藥的供應(yīng)至關(guān)重要。由于1775年英國(guó)與殖民地均實(shí)施了法律限制，北美殖民地幾乎所有的海外貿(mào)易都突然中止。到了1775年中期，北美殖民地面臨著火藥、手雷、槍支及刀具等基本軍需品的嚴(yán)重短缺，甚至食鹽 、鞋類、毛織物及亞麻織品也供應(yīng)不足。1775年底，大陸會(huì)議準(zhǔn)許同西印度群島進(jìn)行一定的貿(mào)易以獲得武器和彈藥。到1776年春，與其他非英屬地區(qū)的貿(mào)易已放開進(jìn)行。
然而，英國(guó)對(duì)美國(guó)港口實(shí)施了相當(dāng)有效的海上封鎖，尤其在獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的最初兩年。盡管封鎖嚴(yán)密，各殖民地仍然開展著對(duì)外貿(mào)易。1778年美國(guó)與法國(guó)，隨后不久又與荷蘭、西班牙簽定了正式的商業(yè)條約，從而促進(jìn)了海外貿(mào)易。1778年至1782年初，美國(guó)的戰(zhàn)時(shí)貿(mào)易達(dá)到顛峰。在此期間，法國(guó)、荷蘭、西班牙及其屬地都積極進(jìn)行對(duì)美貿(mào)易。雖然如此，美國(guó)各殖民地的貿(mào)易流量一直遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)低于戰(zhàn)前水平。而走私、劫掠巡航以及與海外伙伴進(jìn)行的合法貿(mào)易還不足以彌補(bǔ)對(duì)英進(jìn)出口的銳減。甚至沿海地區(qū)的貿(mào)易也由于缺少船只、海上封鎖以及戰(zhàn)時(shí)的高昂運(yùn)費(fèi)而縮減 。英國(guó)占領(lǐng)的港口，如紐約，只有些許的進(jìn)口活動(dòng)，出口量則幾乎為零。
由于貿(mào)易活動(dòng)的減少，進(jìn)口替代品的生產(chǎn)興旺起來(lái)，殖民地的經(jīng)濟(jì)因而更加自給自足。例如在費(fèi)城，新建的紡織廠雇用了近4000名婦女在家里紡織布料。工匠作坊也大量涌現(xiàn)，刺激了啤酒、威士忌及其它國(guó)產(chǎn)酒類的釀造。美國(guó)的生產(chǎn)資源流向與進(jìn)口貨對(duì)抗的行業(yè)，這一趨勢(shì)在沿海地區(qū)及港口大城市尤為強(qiáng)勁。免受戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)炮火硝煙與戰(zhàn)時(shí)貿(mào)易封鎖影響的只有那些遠(yuǎn)離商業(yè)活動(dòng)的鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)。
總的來(lái)說(shuō)，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)帶給這個(gè)新興的國(guó)家的是顯而易見的經(jīng)濟(jì)困苦。大多數(shù)商品價(jià)格上漲且供應(yīng)緊張。昂貴的價(jià)格與貿(mào)易的極度艱難促使一些投資者從商業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)向制造業(yè)。之后，隨著戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的結(jié)束，貿(mào)易通道重新開放，即使那些在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中賺了一筆的人都為潮水般地涌入美國(guó)港口并引起行情驟降的進(jìn)口商品而痛心疾首。雖然許多美國(guó)人逃脫了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的直接厄運(yùn)，但沒(méi)有誰(shuí)躲過(guò)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的間接沖擊。
在國(guó)內(nèi)，最緊迫的問(wèn)題在財(cái)政方面。1775年至1781年間，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)開支是通過(guò)發(fā)行紙幣支撐的，其數(shù)量之大足以引起極度通貨膨脹，這是美國(guó)（南部聯(lián)盟除外）惟一的一次。發(fā)行了大陸貨幣、中央政府軍需軍糧券以及各州的貨幣近4億美元（票面價(jià)值）用來(lái)支付戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)開銷。出于一切實(shí)際的考慮，到了1783年中期，所發(fā)行的各種貨幣被拒絕接受，這樣一來(lái)紙幣價(jià)值下降對(duì)持有貶值鈔票的人是個(gè)麻煩。政府的外債與內(nèi)債總額還剩下不到4000萬(wàn)美元，但是由誰(shuí)來(lái)償還這筆債務(wù)是個(gè)棘手的問(wèn)題，因?yàn)檎晤I(lǐng)導(dǎo)人考慮到支付債務(wù)的州最終會(huì)阻礙政治權(quán)力的平衡。更重要的是，國(guó)會(huì)自身沒(méi)有收入而只能依靠各州按人口比例盡量征集。各州也并非沒(méi)有自己的財(cái)政困難。到 1786年，至少七個(gè)州發(fā)行了自己的紙幣，其它六個(gè)州的債務(wù)人團(tuán)體也強(qiáng)烈要求發(fā)行紙幣。盡管發(fā)行紙幣的各州（除羅得島外）辦事可靠，但是由各州控制貨幣發(fā)行這種事情也許令保守派最為驚恐。的確，惡性通貨膨脹造成的影響是人們普遍對(duì)政府的金融管理失去信任。
1. The Revolutionary War:美國(guó)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)(1775-1783年), 又稱American Revolution/Amer ican War of Independence/the Revolution。其任務(wù)是結(jié)束英帝國(guó)對(duì)殖民地的統(tǒng)治，使殖民地上升為一個(gè)獨(dú)立國(guó)家，為資本主義發(fā)展開辟道路。
2. 美國(guó)在獨(dú)立之前被稱作北美殖民地，是一個(gè)典型的“移民社會(huì)”，其含義包括四個(gè)方面： 1）與土著人無(wú)關(guān)；2）由外來(lái)移民組成；3）受移民的歷史和社會(huì)背景的影響；4）與移民原來(lái)的社會(huì)有別。北美殖民地人往往稱自己為“美利堅(jiān)民族”或“美利堅(jiān)人”。美國(guó)成立后，他們成為美國(guó)人。所以文中“American affairs”應(yīng)譯作“美利堅(jiān)人的事務(wù)”或“北美殖民地事務(wù) ”。
3. 眾所周知的“波士頓傾茶”事件促使英議會(huì)于1774年通過(guò)了5項(xiàng)“不可容忍法令”（the Coercive Acts/the Intolerable Acts）：受殖民地人指控的英國(guó)官員只能在英國(guó)受審；英國(guó)士兵可強(qiáng)行進(jìn)駐殖民地民宅；取消馬薩諸塞的自治地位；封閉北美的港口波士頓；將俄亥俄以北的土地劃歸魁北克。殖民地通過(guò)了《薩福克決議案》做出回應(yīng)：拒絕服從英國(guó)的法令,不再向英國(guó)交納稅款, 終止與英國(guó)的貿(mào)易往來(lái)。
4. Congress: 1774年召開的第一屆“大陸會(huì)議”是美國(guó)立法機(jī)構(gòu)的雛形與“聯(lián)合殖民地”的載體。1777年11月15日，“大陸會(huì)議”通過(guò)了《邦聯(lián)和永久聯(lián)合條例》，正式使用“美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)（the United States of America）”，建立中央行政機(jī)構(gòu)，即由各州代表組成“諸州委員會(huì)”，并把“大陸會(huì)議”改為“邦聯(lián)國(guó)會(huì)”。
5. 美國(guó)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的一個(gè)特點(diǎn)是外交與革命的有效配合。1775年，大陸會(huì)議建立了“秘密通訊委員會(huì)”，負(fù)責(zé)對(duì)外事務(wù)。 由于本杰明·富蘭克林的努力，不僅建立了法美同盟，也促使西班牙、荷蘭先后參戰(zhàn)。
6. import substitution: 進(jìn)口替代（措施)。 指一國(guó)采取各種措施，限制某些外國(guó)工業(yè)品進(jìn)口，促進(jìn)國(guó)內(nèi)有關(guān)工業(yè)品的生產(chǎn)，逐漸在國(guó)內(nèi)市場(chǎng)上以國(guó)產(chǎn)品替代進(jìn)口品，為本國(guó)的工業(yè)化創(chuàng)造條件。
7. galloping inflation: 惡性通貨膨脹，指物價(jià)無(wú)限制地迅速上漲，失去控制，造成貨幣大幅度貶值乃至整個(gè)貨幣體系瀕臨崩潰。又稱hyperinflation。
8. tax: 重負(fù)。
9. 隨著紙幣發(fā)行量的增加以及大陸會(huì)議無(wú)力征稅，紙幣可以兌換金銀鑄幣的許諾成了空話。大陸紙幣隨之貶值，因此人們感到只有大陸紙幣很“燙手”。到了1781年，大陸紙幣的價(jià)值已不到發(fā)行面值的1%，習(xí)語(yǔ)"not worth a continental"(一錢不值) 即由此而來(lái)。
10. 大陸紙幣的貶值減輕了政府的（須以金銀幣償還的）債務(wù)負(fù)擔(dān)。
11. catch-as-catch-can: 盡一切辦法,能抓到什么就抓什么。
12. debtor groups: 債務(wù)人群體（他們?yōu)閭鶆?wù)所困，急需貨幣還債。）
13. conservative: 保守的，支持傳統(tǒng)的觀點(diǎn)和社會(huì)準(zhǔn)則的,這里指聯(lián)邦政府
The Revolutionary War(1), which began officially on April 19, 1775, dragged on for more than six bitter years. It was a conflict fought by the colonials for the righteous cause of securing freedom from intolerable British intervention in American affairs(2).
Maritime commerce was always an important factor in the war effort, and trade linkages were vital to the supply of arms and ammunitions. When legal restrictions(3) were implemented by both the British and the colonists in 1775, nearly all American overseas commerce abruptly ceased. By mid-1775, the colonies faced acute shor tages in such military essentials as powder, flints, muskets, and knives. Even salt, shoes, woolens, and linens were in short supply. Late in 1775, Congress(4) auth orized limited trade with the West Indies, mainly to procure arms and ammunitions , and trade with other non-British areas was on an unrestricted basis by the spring of 1776.
Nevertheless, the British maintained a fairly effective naval blockade of Americ an ports, especially during the first two years of the war. Yet the colonies engaged in international trade despite the blockade. Formal treaties of commerce with France in 1778 and with Holland and Spain shortly thereafter stimulated the flows of overseas trade.(5) Between 1778 and early 1782, American wartime commerce was at its zenith. During those years, France, Holland, Spain, and their possessions all actively traded with the colonies. Even so, the flow of goods in and out of the colonies remained well below prewar levels. Smuggling, privateering, and legal trade with overseas partners only partially offset the drastic trade reductions with Britain. Even the coastal trades were curtailed by a lack of vessels, by blockades, and by wartime freight rates. British-occupied ports, such as New York, generated some import activity but little or nothing in the way of exports.
As exports and imports fell, import substitution(6) abounded, and the colonial economy became considerably more self-sufficient. In Philadelphia, for instance, nearly 4,000 women were employed to spin materials in their homes for the newly esta blished textile plants. A sharp increase also occurred in the number of artisan workshops with a similar stimulus in the production of beer, whiskey, and other do mestic alcoholic beverages. The rechanneling of American resources into import-competing industries was especially strong along the coast and in the major port cities. Only the least-commercialized rural areas remained little affected by the serpentine path of war and the sporadic flows of wartime commerce.
Overall, the war imposed a distinct economic hardship on the new nation. Most go ods rose in cost and were more difficult to obtain. High prices and severe commercial difficulties encouraged some investors to turn from commerce to manufacturing. Then, once the trade lanes reopened with the coming of peace, even those who profited from the war were stung by the tide of imports that swept into American ports and sharply lowered prices. Although many Americans escaped the direct ordea ls of war, few Americans were untouched by it --- at least indirectly.
Internally, the most pressing problems were financial. Between 1775 and 1781, the war was financed by the issue of paper money in amounts great enough to result in a galloping inflation(7) --- the only one ever experienced in America except in the Confederate South. Nearly $400 million (at face value) in continental money, quartermaster and commissary certificates of the central government, and paper money of the states was issued to defray wartime expenses. For all practical purposes, these various issues were repudiated by the middle of 1783, the effect being at ax(8) on those who held the depreciating currency while it declined in value(9). Only a relatively small foreign and domestic debttotaling less than $40 million remained(10), but the question of responsibility for its repayment remained a thorny issue because political leaders assumed that the states that paid the debt would ultimately hold the balance of power politically. More important was the fact that Congress had no independent income and had to rely for funds on catch-as-catch-can(11) contributions from the states, made roughly in proportion to their individual populations. Nor were the states without their own fiscal problems. By 1786, no less than seven states were issuing their own paper, and debtor groups(12) in the other six states were clamoring for similar issues. Although the issuing states (except Rhode Island) acted responsibly, perhaps no other course of events so frigh tened conservatives(13) as the control of the money supply by the states. Indeed, the legacy of hyperinflation left a general distrust of government monetary manage ment.
美國(guó)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng), 自1775年4月19日正式開始，經(jīng)歷了六年多的艱辛歲月。這是殖民地人為*英國(guó)對(duì)北美事務(wù)令人無(wú)法容忍的干預(yù)，爭(zhēng)取獨(dú)立自主的正義事業(yè)而進(jìn)行的斗爭(zhēng)。
海上商業(yè)活動(dòng)歷來(lái)是戰(zhàn)事中的重要環(huán)節(jié)，而保持貿(mào)易聯(lián)系對(duì)于武器彈藥的供應(yīng)至關(guān)重要。由于1775年英國(guó)與殖民地均實(shí)施了法律限制，北美殖民地幾乎所有的海外貿(mào)易都突然中止。到了1775年中期，北美殖民地面臨著火藥、手雷、槍支及刀具等基本軍需品的嚴(yán)重短缺，甚至食鹽 、鞋類、毛織物及亞麻織品也供應(yīng)不足。1775年底，大陸會(huì)議準(zhǔn)許同西印度群島進(jìn)行一定的貿(mào)易以獲得武器和彈藥。到1776年春，與其他非英屬地區(qū)的貿(mào)易已放開進(jìn)行。
然而，英國(guó)對(duì)美國(guó)港口實(shí)施了相當(dāng)有效的海上封鎖，尤其在獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的最初兩年。盡管封鎖嚴(yán)密，各殖民地仍然開展著對(duì)外貿(mào)易。1778年美國(guó)與法國(guó)，隨后不久又與荷蘭、西班牙簽定了正式的商業(yè)條約，從而促進(jìn)了海外貿(mào)易。1778年至1782年初，美國(guó)的戰(zhàn)時(shí)貿(mào)易達(dá)到顛峰。在此期間，法國(guó)、荷蘭、西班牙及其屬地都積極進(jìn)行對(duì)美貿(mào)易。雖然如此，美國(guó)各殖民地的貿(mào)易流量一直遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)低于戰(zhàn)前水平。而走私、劫掠巡航以及與海外伙伴進(jìn)行的合法貿(mào)易還不足以彌補(bǔ)對(duì)英進(jìn)出口的銳減。甚至沿海地區(qū)的貿(mào)易也由于缺少船只、海上封鎖以及戰(zhàn)時(shí)的高昂運(yùn)費(fèi)而縮減 。英國(guó)占領(lǐng)的港口，如紐約，只有些許的進(jìn)口活動(dòng)，出口量則幾乎為零。
由于貿(mào)易活動(dòng)的減少，進(jìn)口替代品的生產(chǎn)興旺起來(lái)，殖民地的經(jīng)濟(jì)因而更加自給自足。例如在費(fèi)城，新建的紡織廠雇用了近4000名婦女在家里紡織布料。工匠作坊也大量涌現(xiàn)，刺激了啤酒、威士忌及其它國(guó)產(chǎn)酒類的釀造。美國(guó)的生產(chǎn)資源流向與進(jìn)口貨對(duì)抗的行業(yè)，這一趨勢(shì)在沿海地區(qū)及港口大城市尤為強(qiáng)勁。免受戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)炮火硝煙與戰(zhàn)時(shí)貿(mào)易封鎖影響的只有那些遠(yuǎn)離商業(yè)活動(dòng)的鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)。
總的來(lái)說(shuō)，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)帶給這個(gè)新興的國(guó)家的是顯而易見的經(jīng)濟(jì)困苦。大多數(shù)商品價(jià)格上漲且供應(yīng)緊張。昂貴的價(jià)格與貿(mào)易的極度艱難促使一些投資者從商業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)向制造業(yè)。之后，隨著戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的結(jié)束，貿(mào)易通道重新開放，即使那些在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中賺了一筆的人都為潮水般地涌入美國(guó)港口并引起行情驟降的進(jìn)口商品而痛心疾首。雖然許多美國(guó)人逃脫了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的直接厄運(yùn)，但沒(méi)有誰(shuí)躲過(guò)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的間接沖擊。
在國(guó)內(nèi)，最緊迫的問(wèn)題在財(cái)政方面。1775年至1781年間，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)開支是通過(guò)發(fā)行紙幣支撐的，其數(shù)量之大足以引起極度通貨膨脹，這是美國(guó)（南部聯(lián)盟除外）惟一的一次。發(fā)行了大陸貨幣、中央政府軍需軍糧券以及各州的貨幣近4億美元（票面價(jià)值）用來(lái)支付戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)開銷。出于一切實(shí)際的考慮，到了1783年中期，所發(fā)行的各種貨幣被拒絕接受，這樣一來(lái)紙幣價(jià)值下降對(duì)持有貶值鈔票的人是個(gè)麻煩。政府的外債與內(nèi)債總額還剩下不到4000萬(wàn)美元，但是由誰(shuí)來(lái)償還這筆債務(wù)是個(gè)棘手的問(wèn)題，因?yàn)檎晤I(lǐng)導(dǎo)人考慮到支付債務(wù)的州最終會(huì)阻礙政治權(quán)力的平衡。更重要的是，國(guó)會(huì)自身沒(méi)有收入而只能依靠各州按人口比例盡量征集。各州也并非沒(méi)有自己的財(cái)政困難。到 1786年，至少七個(gè)州發(fā)行了自己的紙幣，其它六個(gè)州的債務(wù)人團(tuán)體也強(qiáng)烈要求發(fā)行紙幣。盡管發(fā)行紙幣的各州（除羅得島外）辦事可靠，但是由各州控制貨幣發(fā)行這種事情也許令保守派最為驚恐。的確，惡性通貨膨脹造成的影響是人們普遍對(duì)政府的金融管理失去信任。
1. The Revolutionary War:美國(guó)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)(1775-1783年), 又稱American Revolution/Amer ican War of Independence/the Revolution。其任務(wù)是結(jié)束英帝國(guó)對(duì)殖民地的統(tǒng)治，使殖民地上升為一個(gè)獨(dú)立國(guó)家，為資本主義發(fā)展開辟道路。
2. 美國(guó)在獨(dú)立之前被稱作北美殖民地，是一個(gè)典型的“移民社會(huì)”，其含義包括四個(gè)方面： 1）與土著人無(wú)關(guān)；2）由外來(lái)移民組成；3）受移民的歷史和社會(huì)背景的影響；4）與移民原來(lái)的社會(huì)有別。北美殖民地人往往稱自己為“美利堅(jiān)民族”或“美利堅(jiān)人”。美國(guó)成立后，他們成為美國(guó)人。所以文中“American affairs”應(yīng)譯作“美利堅(jiān)人的事務(wù)”或“北美殖民地事務(wù) ”。
3. 眾所周知的“波士頓傾茶”事件促使英議會(huì)于1774年通過(guò)了5項(xiàng)“不可容忍法令”（the Coercive Acts/the Intolerable Acts）：受殖民地人指控的英國(guó)官員只能在英國(guó)受審；英國(guó)士兵可強(qiáng)行進(jìn)駐殖民地民宅；取消馬薩諸塞的自治地位；封閉北美的港口波士頓；將俄亥俄以北的土地劃歸魁北克。殖民地通過(guò)了《薩福克決議案》做出回應(yīng)：拒絕服從英國(guó)的法令,不再向英國(guó)交納稅款, 終止與英國(guó)的貿(mào)易往來(lái)。
4. Congress: 1774年召開的第一屆“大陸會(huì)議”是美國(guó)立法機(jī)構(gòu)的雛形與“聯(lián)合殖民地”的載體。1777年11月15日，“大陸會(huì)議”通過(guò)了《邦聯(lián)和永久聯(lián)合條例》，正式使用“美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)（the United States of America）”，建立中央行政機(jī)構(gòu)，即由各州代表組成“諸州委員會(huì)”，并把“大陸會(huì)議”改為“邦聯(lián)國(guó)會(huì)”。
5. 美國(guó)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的一個(gè)特點(diǎn)是外交與革命的有效配合。1775年，大陸會(huì)議建立了“秘密通訊委員會(huì)”，負(fù)責(zé)對(duì)外事務(wù)。 由于本杰明·富蘭克林的努力，不僅建立了法美同盟，也促使西班牙、荷蘭先后參戰(zhàn)。
6. import substitution: 進(jìn)口替代（措施)。 指一國(guó)采取各種措施，限制某些外國(guó)工業(yè)品進(jìn)口，促進(jìn)國(guó)內(nèi)有關(guān)工業(yè)品的生產(chǎn)，逐漸在國(guó)內(nèi)市場(chǎng)上以國(guó)產(chǎn)品替代進(jìn)口品，為本國(guó)的工業(yè)化創(chuàng)造條件。
7. galloping inflation: 惡性通貨膨脹，指物價(jià)無(wú)限制地迅速上漲，失去控制，造成貨幣大幅度貶值乃至整個(gè)貨幣體系瀕臨崩潰。又稱hyperinflation。
8. tax: 重負(fù)。
9. 隨著紙幣發(fā)行量的增加以及大陸會(huì)議無(wú)力征稅，紙幣可以兌換金銀鑄幣的許諾成了空話。大陸紙幣隨之貶值，因此人們感到只有大陸紙幣很“燙手”。到了1781年，大陸紙幣的價(jià)值已不到發(fā)行面值的1%，習(xí)語(yǔ)"not worth a continental"(一錢不值) 即由此而來(lái)。
10. 大陸紙幣的貶值減輕了政府的（須以金銀幣償還的）債務(wù)負(fù)擔(dān)。
11. catch-as-catch-can: 盡一切辦法,能抓到什么就抓什么。
12. debtor groups: 債務(wù)人群體（他們?yōu)閭鶆?wù)所困，急需貨幣還債。）
13. conservative: 保守的，支持傳統(tǒng)的觀點(diǎn)和社會(huì)準(zhǔn)則的,這里指聯(lián)邦政府