1998年全國碩士學(xué)位研究生入學(xué)考試英語試題
Part IIIReading Comprehension
Directions： Each of the passages below is followed by some questions. For each question there are four answers marked A， B， C and D. Read the passages carefully and choose the best answer to each of the questions. Then mark your answer on the ANSWER SHEET 1 by blackening the corresponding letter in the brackets. （40 points）
Passage 1
Few creations of big technology capture the imagination like giant dams. Perhaps it is humankinds long suffering at the mercy of flood and drought that makes the ideal of forcing the waters to do our bidding so fascination. But to be fascinated is also， sometimes， to be blind. Several giant dam projects threaten to do more harm than good.
The lesson from dams is that big is not always beautiful. It doesnt help that building a big， powerful dam has become a symbol of achievement for nations and people striving to assert themselves. Egypts leadership in the Arab world was cemented by the Aswan High Dam. Turkeys bid for First World status includes the giant Ataturk Dam.
But big dams tend not to work as intended. The Aswan Dam， for example， stopped the Nile flooding but deprived Egypt of the fertile silt that floods left - all in return for a giant reservoir of disease which is now so full of silt that it barely generates electricity.
And yet， the myth of controlling the waters persists. This week， in the heart of civilized Europe， Slovaks and Hungarians stopped just short of sending in the troops in their contention over a dam on the Danube. The huge complex will probably have all the usual problems of big dams. But Slovakia is bidding for independence from the Czechs， and now needs a dam to prove itself.
Meanwhile， in India， the World Bank has given the go ahead to the even more wrong headed Narmada Dam. And the bank has done this even though its advisors say the dam will cause hardship for the powerless and environmental destruction. The benefits are for the powerful， but they are far from guaranteed.
Proper， scientific study of the impacts of dams and of the cost and benefits of controlling water can help to resolve these conflicts. Hydroelectric power and flood control and irrigation are possible without building monster dams. But when you are dealing with myths， it is hard to be either proper， or scientific. It is time that the world learned the lessons of Aswan. You dont need a dam to be saved.
51. The third sentence of paragraph 1 implies that .
A. people would be happy if they shut their eyes to reality
B. the blind could be happier than the sighted
C. over excited people tend to neglect vital things.
D. fascination makes people lose their eyesight
52. In paragraph 5， "the powerless" probably refers to .
A. areas short of electricity B. dams without power stations
C. poor countries around India D. common people in the Narmada Dam area
53. What is the myth concerning giant dams？
A. They bring in more fertile soil. B. They help defend the country.
C. They strengthen international ties. D. They have universal control of the waters.
54. What the author tries to suggest may best be interpreted as .
A. "Its no use crying over spilt milk" B. "More haste， less speed"
C. "Look before you leap" D. "He who laughs last laughs best"
Passage 2
Well， no gain without pain， they say. But what about pain without gain？ Everywhere you go in America， you hear tales of corporate revival. What is harder to establish is whether the productivity revolution that businessmen assume they are presiding over is for real.
The official statistics are mildly discouraging. They show that， if you lump manufacturing and services together， productivity has grown on average by 1.2% since 1987. That is somewhat faster than the average during the previous decade. And since 1991， productivity has increased by about 2% a year， which is more than twice the 1978-87 average. The trouble is that part of the recent acceleration is due to the usual rebound that occurs at this point in a business cycle， and so is not conclusive evidence of a revival in the underlying trend. There is， as Robert Rubin， the treasury secretary， says， a "disjunction" between the mass of business anecdote that points to a leap in productivity and the picture reflected by the statistics.
Some of this can be easily explained. New ways of organizing the workplace - all that reengineering and downsizing - are only one contribution to the overall productivity of an economy， which is driven by many other factors such as joint investment in equipment and machinery， new technology， and investment in education and training. Moreover， most of the changes that companies make are intended to keep them profitable， and this need not always mean increasing productivity： switching to new markets or improving quality can matter just as much.
Two other explanations are more speculative. First， some of the business restructuring of recent years may have been ineptly done. Second， even if it was well done， it may have spread much less widely than people suppose.
Leonard Schlesinger， a Harvard academic and former chief executive of Au Bong Pain， a rapidly growing chain of bakery cafes， says that much "reengineering" has been crude. In many cases， he believes， the loss of revenue has been greater than the reductions in cost. His colleague， Michael Beer， says that far too many companies have applied reengineering in a mechanistic fashion， chopping out costs without giving sufficient thought to longterm profitability. BBDOs Al Rosenshine is blunter. He dismisses a lot of the work of reengineering consultants as mere rubbish - "the worst sort of ambulance cashing."
55. According to the author， the American economic situation is .
A. not as good as it seems B. at its turning point
C. much better than it seems D. near to complete recovery
56. The official statistics on productivity growth .
A. exclude the usual rebound in a business cycle
B. fall short of businessmens anticipation
C. meet the expectation of business people
D. fail to reflect the true state of economy
57. The author raises the question "what about pain without gain？" because .
A. he questions the truth of "no gain without pain"
B. he does not think the productivity revolution works
C. he wonders if the official statistics are misleading
D. he has conclusive evidence for the revival of businesses
58. Which of the following statements is NOT mentioned in the passage？
A. Radical reforms are essential for the increase of productivity.
B. New ways of organizing workplaces may help to increase productivity.
C. The reduction of costs is not a sure way to gain long term profitability.
D. The consultants are a bunch of good for nothigns.
Passage 3
Science has long had an uneasy relationship with other aspects of culture. Think of Gallileos 17th century trial for his rebelling belief before the Catholic Church or poet William Blakes harsh remarks against the mechanistic worldview of Isaac Newton. The schism between science and the humanities has， if anything， deepened in this century.
Until recently， the scientific community was so powerful that it could afford to ignore its critics - but no longer. As funding for science has declined， scientists have attacked "antiscience" in several books， Notably Higher Superstition， by Paul R. Gross， a biologist at the University of Virginia， and Norman Levitt， a mathematician at Rutgers University； and The DemonHaunted World， by Carl Sagan of Cornell University.
Defenders of science have also voiced their concerns at meetings such as "The Flight from Science and Reason，" held in New York City in 1995， and "Science in the Age of （Mis）information，" which assembled last June near Buffalo.
Antiscience clearly means different things to different people. Gross and Levitt find fault primarily with sociologists， philosophers and other academics who have questioned sciences objectivity. Sagan is more concerned with those who believe in ghosts， creationism and other phenomena that contradict the scientific worldview.
A survey of news stories in 1996 reveals that the antiscience tag has been attached to many other groups as well， from authorities who advocated the elimination of the last remaining stocks of smallpox virus to Republicans who advocated decreased funding for basic research.
Few would dispute that the term applies to the Unabomber， those manifesto， published in 1995， scorns science and longs for return to a pretechnological utopia. But surely that does not mean environmentalists concerned about uncontrolled industrial growth are antiscience， as an essay in US News & World Report last May seemed to suggest.
The environmentalists， inevitably， respond to such critics. The true enemies of science， argues Paul Ehrlich of Stanford University， a pioneer of environmental studies， are those who question the evidence supporting global warming， the depletion of the ozone layer and other consequences of industrial growth.
Indeed， some observers fear that the antiscience epithet is in danger of becoming meaningless. "The term 'antiscience' can lump together too many， quite different things，" notes Harvard University philosopher Gerald Holton in his 1993 work Science and Anti Science. "They have in common only one thing that they tend to annoy or threaten those who regard themselves as more enlightened."
59. The word "schism"（Line 3， Paragraph 1） in the context probably means .
A. confrontation B. dissatisfaction
C. separation D. contempt
60. Paragraphs 2 and 3 are written to .
A. discuss the cause of the decline of sciences power
B. show the authors sympathy with scientists
C. explain the way in which science develops
D. exemplify the division of science and the humanities
61. Which of the following is true according to the passage？
A. Environmentalists were blamed for antiscience in an essay.
B. Politicians are not subject to the labeling of antiscience.
C. The "more enlightened" tend to tag others as antiscience
D. Tagging environmentalists as "antiscience" is justifiable
62. The authors attitude toward the issue of "science vs. antiscience" is .
A. impartial B. subjective
C. biased D. puzzling
Passage 4
Emerging from the 1980 census is the picture of a nation developing more and more regional competition， as population growth in the Northeast and Midwest reaches a near standstill.
This development - and its strong implications for US politics and economy in years ahead - has enthroned the South as Americas most densely populated region for the first time in the history of the nations head counting.
Altogether， the US population rose in the 1970s by 23.2 million people - numerically the third largest growth ever recorded in a single decade. Even so， that gain adds up to only 11.4 percent， lowest in American annual records except for the Depression years.
Americans have been migrating south and west in larger number since World War II， and the pattern still prevails.
Three sun belt states - Florida， Texas and California - together had nearly 10 million more people in 1980 than a decade earlier. Among large cities， San Diego moved from 14th to 8th and San Antonio from 15th to 10th - with Cleveland and Washington. DC， dropping out of the top 10.
Not all that shift can be attributed to the movement out of the snow belt， census officials say. Nonstop waves of immigrants played a role， too - and so did bigger crops of babies as yesterdays "baby boom" generation reached its child bearing years.
Moreover， demographers see the continuing shift south and west as joined by a related but newer phenomenon： More and more， Americans apparently are looking not just for places with more jobs but with fewer people， too. Some instances -
● Regionally， the Rocky Mountain states reported the most rapid growth rate - 37.1 percent since 1970 in a vast area with only 5 percent of the US population.
● Among states， Nevada and Arizona grew fastest of all： 63.5 and 53.1 percent respectively. Except fro Florida and Texas， the top 10 in rate of growth is composed of Western states with 7.5 million people - about 9 per square mile.
The flight from overcrowded ness affects the migration from snow belt to more bearable climates.
Nowhere do 1980 census statistics dramatize more the American search for spacious living than in the Far West. There， California added 3.7 million to its population in the 1970s， more than any other state.
In that decade， however， large numbers also migrated from California， mostly to other parts of the West. Often they chose - and still are choosing - somewhat colder climates such as Oregon， Idaho and Alaska in order to escape smog， crime and other plagues of urbanization in the Golden State.
As a result， Californias growth rate dropped during the 1970s， to 18.5 percent - little more than two thirds the 1960s growth figure and considerably below that of other Western states.
63. Discerned from the perplexing picture of population growth the 1980 census provided， America in 1970s .
A. enjoyed the lowest net growth of population in history
B. witnessed a southwestern shift of population
C. underwent an unparalleled period of population growth
D. brought to a standstill its pattern of migration since World War II
64. The census distinguished itself from previous studies on population movement in that .
A. it stresses the climatic influence on population distribution
B. it highlights the contribution of continuous waves of immigrants
C. it reveals the Americans new pursuit of spacious living
D. it elaborates the delayed effects of yesterdays "baby boom"
65. We can see from the available statistics that .
A. California was once the most thinly populated area in the whole US
B. the top 10 states in growth rate of population were all located in the West
C. cities with better climates benefited unanimously from migration
D. Arizona ranked second of all states in its growth rate of population
66. The word "demographers" （Line 1， Paragraph 7） most probably means .
A. people in favor of the trend of democracy
B. advocates of migration between states
C. scientists engaged in the study of population
D. conservatives clinging to old patterns of life
Passage 5
Scattered around the globe are more than 100 small regions of isolated volcanic activity known to geologists as hot spots. Unlike most of the worlds volcanoes， they are not always found at the boundaries of the great drifting plates that make up the earths surface； on the contrary， many of them lie deep in the interior of a plate. Most of the hot spots move only slowly， and in some cases the movement of the plates past them has left trails of dead volcanoes. The hot spots and their volcanic trails are milestones that mark the passage of the plates.
That the plates are moving is not beyond dispute. Africa and South America， for example， are moving away from earth other as new material is injected into the sea floor between them. The complementary coastlines and certain geological features that seem to span the ocean are reminders of where the two continents were once joined. The relative motion of the plates carrying these continents has been constructed in detail， but the motion of one plate with respect to another cannot readily be translated into motion with respect to the earths interior. It is not possible to determine whether both continents are moving in opposite directions or whether one continent is stationary and the other is drifting away from it. Hot spots， anchored in the deeper layers of the earth， provide the measuring instruments needed to resolve the question. From an analysis of the hot spot population it appears that the African plate is stationary and that it has not moved during the past 30 million years.
The significance of hot spots is not confined to their role as a frame of reference. It now appears that they also have an important influence on the geophysical processes that propel the plates across the globe. When a continental plate come to rest over a hot spot， the material rising from deeper layer creates a broad dome. As the dome grows， it develops seed fissures（cracks）； in at least a few cases the continent may break entirely along some of these fissures， so that the hot spot initiates the formation of a new ocean. Thus just as earlier theories have explained the mobility of the continents， so hot spots may explain their mutability（inconstancy）。
67. The author believes that .
A. the motion of the plates corresponds to that of the earths interior
B. the geological theory about drifting plates has been proved to be true
C. the hot spots and the plates move slowly in opposite directions
D. the movement of hot spots proves the continents are moving apart
68. That Africa and South America were once joined can be deduced from the fact that
A. the two continents are still moving in opposite directions
B. they have been found to share certain geological features
C. the African plates has been stable for 30 million years
D. over 100 hot spots are scattered all around the globe
69. The hot spot theory may prove useful in explaining .
A. the structure of the African plates B. the revival of dead volcanoes
C. the mobility of the continents D. the formation of new oceans
70. The passage is mainly about .
A. the features of volcanic activities
B. the importance of the theory about drifting plates
C. the significance of hot spots in geophysical studies
D. the process of the formation of volcanoes
51. 「C」問題是：本文第一段第3句暗示了。
文章第1段第1句作者講到在重大技術(shù)所創(chuàng)造的東西中，很少有比大壩更能體現(xiàn)人的幻想的。第二句講到也許是因為人類長期遭受洪水和干旱的襲擊，使人類（通過筑壩）制服洪水的愿望更加興奮不已。第1句作者陳述了一個事實，第2句作者給出自己對第1句的解釋。但是第3句筆鋒突變：But to be fascinated is also， sometimes， to be blind. 第4句作者指出問題所在："Several giant dam projects threaten to do more harm than good.". A項與文中內(nèi)容相反；B項文中沒有提及。而D項是為第1段第3句直接講敘的，并不是它所暗示的。
52. 「D」問題是：第5段中的 "the powerless"很有可能指的是。
文章第5段，"the powerless"出現(xiàn)的那句話翻譯出來是"一個銀行顧問指出大壩將會對 'powerless'帶來痛苦。給環(huán)境帶來破壞。" A，B項內(nèi)容使句子變得可笑，無邏輯，顯然不可選。C項內(nèi)容中沒有給予提示。只有D，住在Normada dam地區(qū)的貧民， 符合作者意圖。與之相對應(yīng)的是下句中提到的 "the powerful"， 有權(quán)勢者。此外，形容詞可作名詞用，指具有這樣的特征的人，通常前面加定冠詞 "the". 如：the poor， the rich， the hungry， the thirsty等。
53. 「D」問題是：關(guān)于巨壩的神話到底是什么？
文章第4段第1句作者指出"the myth of controlling the waters"，制服洪水的神話。 或者，我們可以換個角度理解這個短句，——"the myth which is controlling the waters"，即D項內(nèi)容。注意 "waters"在文中是以復(fù)數(shù)形式出現(xiàn)，意思是全世界所有地方的洪水。
54. 「C」問題是：作者試圖給出的建議好可以概括為。
文章第1段作者便指出，對于修建大壩的興奮有時候也會表現(xiàn)為盲目。隨后幾段里，也都給了具體例子加以說明。在后一段結(jié)尾處作者暗示了在針對建設(shè)大壩這個問題上，我們應(yīng)該保持一個正確、科學(xué)的態(tài)度，即三思而后行，C項內(nèi)容。
沒有什么技術(shù)發(fā)明像大型水壩這樣能體現(xiàn)人的想象力。也許是因為人類長期遭受洪水和干旱的折磨，所以讓水聽命于人類這個想法特別令人著迷。但有時，令人著迷的東西也會使人盲目。幾個大型水壩項目對人們的威脅似乎都要大于它們的益處。
水壩給我們的一個教訓(xùn)是，大的并不總是美的。建造一個大型水壩，結(jié)果卻變成國家和人民展示自己的權(quán)威和成就的象征，這樣做并沒有什么好處。阿斯旺 大壩堅固了埃及在阿拉伯世界的領(lǐng)袖地位；土耳其則將阿塔特克大壩當(dāng)作一個爭取第一世界國家地位的砝碼。
但是大水壩經(jīng)常起不到預(yù)期作用。以阿斯旺水壩為例，它阻止了尼羅河的洪水，但埃及再也得不到洪水留下的富含養(yǎng)料的淤泥；與此同時，大壩里卻因為積滿了淤泥，幾乎已經(jīng)無法發(fā)電了。
然而，對水的控制仍然具有神奇的吸引力。就在這個星期，在歐洲文明的中心，斯洛伐克和匈牙利因為在多瑙河修筑水壩問題上的爭端差一點兵戎相見。這一巨型工程可能也會有大型水壩所有的問題，但是斯洛伐克正在和捷克討論獨立，所以需要用一座水壩來證明自己的力量。
與此同時，在印度，世界銀行批準(zhǔn)了甚至更加執(zhí)迷不悟的Narmada大壩工程，盡管銀行的顧問認(rèn)為建這座大壩會給平民帶來苦難，也會給環(huán)境造成破壞。大壩的益處很難保證，但即使有利，也是對那些有權(quán)有勢的人來說的。
對大壩可能帶來的影響，對治水的成本和收益進(jìn)行合理的、科學(xué)的分析，這樣做有利于解決這些矛盾。不用建如此巨型大壩也可以實現(xiàn)水力發(fā)電、控制洪水和灌溉農(nóng)田。但是當(dāng)你面臨神話般的吸引力時，你就無法進(jìn)行合理、科學(xué)的分析?，F(xiàn)在，全世界都應(yīng)該從阿斯旺大壩身上得到教訓(xùn)。你并不需要一座大壩來拯救自己。
55. 「A」問題是：根據(jù)作者，美國的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況。
第一段第三、四句指出，美國到處都在談?wù)撍^公司的振興（tales of corporate revival），但是，商界自認(rèn)為正在進(jìn)行的所謂生產(chǎn)力革命究竟是否名副其實（for real），這一點卻很難確定。該句實際上是全文的主旨，從反面提出了下文旨在回答的問題，所謂生產(chǎn)力革命根本不存在，官方的統(tǒng)計數(shù)字也并不怎么樂觀。該段第四句指出，問題是：近顯示出的增長部分是由商業(yè)領(lǐng)域里此時出現(xiàn)的政策的反彈（rebound）造成的，因此，不能將它看作是更深層的（當(dāng)指生產(chǎn)力）振興的證據(jù)。
56. 「B」問題是：關(guān)于生產(chǎn)力增長的官方統(tǒng)計。
第二段指出，官方的統(tǒng)計數(shù)字也并不怎么樂觀，如果將制造業(yè)和服務(wù)業(yè)算在一起（lump……together），1989年以來生產(chǎn)力平均增長了 1.2%，比前十年的平均指數(shù)略有增長；1991年后，生產(chǎn)率每年增長約2%，是1978年至1987年這十年平均指數(shù)的一倍多。然而問題是：近顯示出的增長部分是由商業(yè)領(lǐng)域里此時出現(xiàn)的正常的反彈造成的，因此，不能將他看作是更深層的（當(dāng)指生產(chǎn)力）振興的證據(jù)。正如財政部長魯賓所說的那樣，一方面，大量的商業(yè)神話似乎表明生產(chǎn)力的激增（leap），另一方面，（官方的）統(tǒng)計數(shù)字又是另一番景象，二者之間存在著一個"差距"（disjunction）。
57. 「B」問題是：作者提出，"那么沒有收獲的痛苦又怎樣呢？"這個問題是因為。
第一段指出，人們常說：不勞則無所獲，但是，要是勞而無獲呢？美國到處都在談?wù)撍^公司的振興，但是，商界自認(rèn)為正在進(jìn)行的所謂生產(chǎn)力革命究竟是否名副其實，這一點卻很難確定。作者的觀點在此其實已表達(dá)得很清楚。
另外，從第三段來看，所謂的生產(chǎn)力革命包括了改組企業(yè)（business restructuring， reengineering）等一系列措施，正如第四段所指出的，近年所進(jìn)行的一些重組措施也許并未奏效，而且，即使有所成效，效果也沒有人們想象的那樣廣泛。在后一段，作者應(yīng)用了幾個專家的評價，這幾位專家對目前進(jìn)行的促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力發(fā)展的措施更是持否定態(tài)度。作者的引用當(dāng)然帶有很大的傾向性，用以支持自己的觀點。
58. 「A」問題是：以下哪一句文中沒有提到？
這是本文所未提到的，作者只指出促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力革命的措施并未奏效，未達(dá)到人們想象的效果，而并未提到應(yīng)該如何應(yīng)對。
人們常說不勞而獲，這話不錯。但是假如努力了也沒有收獲那又怎么樣呢？在美國，到處都流傳著公司起死回生的故事。但是我們難以確定，生意人認(rèn)為的他們在經(jīng)歷的生產(chǎn)力革命是否是真實的。
政府的統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)有些令人失望：如果將生產(chǎn)部門和服務(wù)部門算在一起，勞動生產(chǎn)力自1987年以來以1.25%的平均速度增長，這比前十年的速度要快。自從 1991年以來，生產(chǎn)力每年增長2%，這個速度比1978-1987的兩倍還多。問題是，造成目前加速增長的原因部分在于經(jīng)濟(jì)循環(huán)過程中正常的反彈，并無實質(zhì)性的證據(jù)證明復(fù)蘇是潛在的趨勢。正如財政部長Robert Rubin 所說，眾多商界傳聞顯示的生產(chǎn)力大幅度提高和統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)顯示的結(jié)果明顯不符。
有些現(xiàn)象很好解釋。對工廠進(jìn)行調(diào)查——例如企業(yè)重組和縮小規(guī)?！皇歉淖冋麄€經(jīng)濟(jì)中勞動生產(chǎn)力的一個方面，影響生產(chǎn)力的還有其他很多因素，例如對機器設(shè)備的投資、新的科學(xué)技術(shù)、對教育和培訓(xùn)的投資等。而且，公司所做的調(diào)整大部分都是為了獲利，而并不總能帶來生產(chǎn)力的提高：轉(zhuǎn)向新的市場和提高產(chǎn)品質(zhì)量同樣也是十分重要的。
另外兩種解釋比較沒有事實依據(jù)。第一種是近年來開展的企業(yè)改組方法不對；第二種是，即使改組是正確的，它所涉及的面也沒有人們想象的那么廣。
Leonard Schlesinger 是一位哈佛大學(xué)的學(xué)者，并曾擔(dān)任過一家增長迅速的連鎖飲食店Au Bong Pain的執(zhí)行長官，他說很多企業(yè)進(jìn)行的重組都是十分粗糙的，在很多情況下，重組造成的財政損失大于成本的削減。他的同事Michael Beer說，很多的公司在重組中只是一味地削減成本，而沒有足夠地考慮長期效益。BBDO公司的Al Rosenshine 說話更加坦率，他認(rèn)為許多企業(yè)重組顧問的工作純粹是一堆垃圾——就知道浪費客戶的錢，什么用也沒有。
59. 「C」問題是：文章第1段第3行中 "schism"這個詞在上下文中有可能意思是。
文中出現(xiàn) "schism"一詞的句子可翻譯為"如果本世紀(jì)有什么變化的話，那就是科學(xué)與人文學(xué)科的'schism'加深了。"B，D項可以馬上排除，因它們使句子與文章文體不符；A，C項看似意思差不多，但要注意，"confrontation"的形式所需過程一般很短，且突然。"separation"則暗示了一個漫長演變的過程。這也正是為什么作者舉幾世紀(jì)前的例子，告訴讀者這個 "schism"實際上是個歷史遺留問題。
60. 「D」問題是：第二段和第三段的目的是。
第二段指出，直到近期，科學(xué)界（the scientific community）力量壯大，沒有必要理睬其批評者?，F(xiàn)在情況不同了（but no longer）。由于科學(xué)經(jīng)費減少，科學(xué)家開始著書抨擊"反科學(xué)"傾向。第三段指出，科學(xué)的維護(hù)者也在聚會上表達(dá)他們的擔(dān)憂。這兩種表現(xiàn)都是二者矛盾公開化、加深的表現(xiàn)。
61. 「A」問題是：根據(jù)文章內(nèi)容以下哪一項是正確的？
第六段第二句指出：但是，這當(dāng)然不意味著為工業(yè)的無限制的擴(kuò)展而擔(dān)憂的環(huán)境保護(hù)者都是反科學(xué)者，《美國新聞與世界報道》五月刊的一篇文章似乎是想把他們歸為反科學(xué)者。對該句的理解可以在第七段第一句中找到線索，該句可譯為：環(huán)境保護(hù)者當(dāng)然對這種批評進(jìn)行了還擊。如果沒受到攻擊，當(dāng)然也沒有必要還擊。
62. 「A」問題是：作者對于科學(xué)VS反科學(xué)這個問題的態(tài)度是。
作者似乎只是客觀地敘述了科學(xué)和人文學(xué)科之間的分歧，而并未評價孰是孰非。
科學(xué)與其他文化領(lǐng)域的關(guān)系一向不睦。比如你可以回想一下17世紀(jì)伽利略因為其叛逆思想而在天主教堂受到審判，或者是詩人William Blake 對牛頓的機械論世界觀的猛烈抨擊。到了本世紀(jì)，科學(xué)和人文學(xué)科之間的裂痕愈加擴(kuò)大了。
以前科學(xué)界的勢力曾經(jīng)非常強大，以至于可以忽略它的批評者，但是近來情況發(fā)生了變化。隨著對科學(xué)研究資助的減少，科學(xué)家開始寫書批判"反科學(xué)"，例如比較有名的書有：弗吉尼亞大學(xué)生物學(xué)家Paul R .Gross和Rutgers 大學(xué)數(shù)學(xué)家 Norman Levitt 所著的《更高級的迷信》，以及康奈爾大學(xué)的Carl Sagan 所著的《鬼魂出沒的世界》。
科學(xué)的維護(hù)者還在一些會議上表達(dá)他們的關(guān)切，例如1995年在紐約召開的"科學(xué)與理性的方向"會議，和去年6月在布法羅附近召開的主題為"信息/錯誤信息時代的科學(xué)"的會議。
反科學(xué)對于不同的人來說，意義也不同。Gross 和 Levitt 批判的對象主要是社會學(xué)家、哲學(xué)家和其他對科學(xué)的客觀性提出質(zhì)疑的學(xué)者。Sagan 反對的對象則主要是那些相信鬼魂、創(chuàng)世論及相信其他與科學(xué)觀點背道而馳的現(xiàn)象的人。
1996年進(jìn)行的對新書的調(diào)查顯示，"反科學(xué)"的標(biāo)簽也被貼在了很多別的人群的身上，包括提倡根除殘余的天花病毒的權(quán)威機構(gòu)，以及提倡削減基礎(chǔ)科學(xué)研究資金的共和黨人。
將"反科學(xué)"的標(biāo)簽使用在Unabomber組織身上是無可非議的。他們在1995年發(fā)表的宣言中嘲笑科學(xué)，并希望回到一個沒有科學(xué)技術(shù)的烏托邦。但是去年五月《美國新聞和世界報道》上的一篇文章稱那些對無控制的工業(yè)增長表示關(guān)切的環(huán)境主義為"反科學(xué)"，這顯然是沒有道理的。
對于這樣的批評，不用說，環(huán)境主義者當(dāng)然反擊。斯坦福大學(xué)環(huán)境研究的先鋒Paul Ehrlich評論說：科學(xué)的真正敵人，是那些對全球變暖、臭氧層損耗和其他工業(yè)增長導(dǎo)致的惡果不愿相信的人。
實際上，觀察家們擔(dān)心"反科學(xué)"的頭銜正面臨著推動意義的危險。哈佛大學(xué)的哲學(xué)教授Gerald Hilton在他1993年出版的《科學(xué)和反科學(xué)》一書中指出："反科學(xué)一詞包含那么多不同的內(nèi)容，這些內(nèi)容只有一點是共同的，就是它們能夠激怒或者威脅到那些自認(rèn)為比別人更有知識的人。"
63. 「B」問題是：從1980年人口調(diào)查所提供人口增長來觀察，美國在70年代里。
第二段指出，在人口統(tǒng)計，美國南部第成為人口稠密的地區(qū)，這一變化對美國未來幾年（in years ahead）的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)都有很大影響；第四段指出，自第二次世界大戰(zhàn)以來，美國人一直有南遷和西遷的趨向，現(xiàn)在還是如此（and the pattern prevails）。所謂西遷，主要是指向位于西南部的加利福尼亞州遷移（見第五、九段）；另外，本文所提到的人口增長速度較快的加利福尼亞、亞利桑那、內(nèi)華達(dá)等州都在美國西南部。
64. 「C」問題是：這次人口普查與以往關(guān)于人口流動調(diào)查不同的是。
第七段指出，除了繼續(xù)的南遷和西遷趨向外，人口統(tǒng)計學(xué)家還發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個相關(guān)的新現(xiàn)象：美國人遷移的目的不僅是尋找工作，而是越來越明顯地尋找人口稀少的地區(qū)居??；第八段指出，離開擁擠的地區(qū)同時也改變了過去美國人一味逃離寒帶、遷向氣候溫和地帶（morebearable climates）的作法；第九段也指出，1980年的統(tǒng)計清楚地表明：美國人遷向西部地區(qū)，是因為他們想尋找寬闊的生存空間（spacious living）。
65. 「D」問題是：我們從可提供的統(tǒng)計中看出。
第七段第二例子指出，在所有州中，內(nèi)華利州和亞利桑那州人口增長多，分別為63.5%和53.1%.可見亞利桑那州位居人口增長第二，選D.
66. 「C」問題是：第7段第1行中 "demographers" 這個詞的意思很有可能是。
該詞意為：人口統(tǒng)計學(xué)家。A，B，D項內(nèi)容都與文章內(nèi)容不相關(guān)。1980年的人口普查顯示，在國內(nèi)，各地區(qū)之間的競爭愈演愈烈，東北部和中西部地區(qū)的人口增長幾乎處于停頓狀態(tài)。
這一發(fā)展態(tài)勢表明，在美國的人口普查歷，南方第成為美國人口稠密的地區(qū)，這對美國未來的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)都有很重要的指導(dǎo)作用。
20世紀(jì)70年代美國的人口總數(shù)增加了2320萬，從絕對人數(shù)上來說，是有記錄以 來，10年內(nèi)人口增長位于第三位的。即使是這樣，增加的人口只占總?cè)丝诘?1.4%，是除了經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退時期之外，年增長率低的。
第二次世界大戰(zhàn)以后，大批的美國人開始向南部和西部移民，這種趨勢現(xiàn)在仍在繼續(xù)。
佛羅里達(dá)、得克薩斯和加利福尼亞，三個位于陽光地帶的州加起來，在1980年的人口總數(shù)比10年前增加了大約一千萬。在大城市中，圣地亞哥從第14位上升到第8位，圣安息東尼奧從第15位上升到第10位，而克利夫蘭和華盛頓則被擠出了前10位。
人口普查員說，這種種變化并不完全是因為人們搬離冰雪地帶造成的。還有其他原因，比如不斷到來的外國移民浪潮，還有在前生育高峰誕生的嬰兒又到達(dá)了生育年齡，因此又有大批新生兒出生。
在人口不斷向南和向西遷移的同時，人口統(tǒng)計學(xué)家也發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個新的現(xiàn)象，那就是：越來越多的美國人不光在尋找有更多工作機會的地方，而且也在尋找人口更稀少的地方，下面幾個例子可以證明：
——從地區(qū)上來看，洛基山脈附近幾個州的人口增長率快：1970年，在這片廣大土地上的居民只占美國人口總數(shù)的5%，而這里現(xiàn)在的人口速度增長卻達(dá)到了37.1%.
——在所有的州里，內(nèi)華達(dá)和亞利桑納的增長速度快，分別是63.5%和53.1%.除了佛羅里達(dá)和得克薩斯，人口增長快的前10個州都位于西部，這些州的人口增長了750萬，大約每平方英里增長9個人。
逃離擁擠的人群，這也影響著從冰雪地帶遷移氣候和地區(qū)的遷移模式。根據(jù)1980年人口普查結(jié)果，美國人追求生活這一現(xiàn)象在美國西部得以充分的體現(xiàn)。加利福尼亞在70年代人口增加了370萬，比其他任何州的增長都要多。
然而，也是在70年代，大批人口也在離開加州，大多數(shù)人搬到了西部的其他地區(qū)。這些人通常會選擇（而且仍在選擇）相對比較寒冷的地方，比如俄勒岡、艾達(dá)荷和阿拉斯加，這樣做是為了逃離煙霧污染、犯罪和城市中的其他煩惱。
其結(jié)果是，70年代加州的人口增長率下降至18.5%，這個數(shù)字僅僅是60年代的三分之二，比西部其他各州的比率都要低。
67. 「B」問題是：作者相信什么。
第二段的第一句話就說"That the plates are moving is now beyond dispute"， beyond dispute 意思是毋庸置疑，所以作者相信關(guān)于板塊漂移的地質(zhì)學(xué)的理論。
68. 「B」問題是：非洲和南美大陸曾經(jīng)相連是基于的事實。
在第二段的第三句話中說到，互補的海岸線和某些相似的地質(zhì)特征能證明它們曾經(jīng)相連。所以選擇B——它們有一些地理上的共性。
69. 「D」問題是：關(guān)于熱點地區(qū)的理論為解釋提供了有力的證據(jù)。
在第三段的倒數(shù)第二句話說到了hotspots 導(dǎo)致了新的大洋的產(chǎn)生。所以選D.
70. 「C」問題是：全文的主旨大意是。
全文三個段落各介紹了熱點地區(qū)某一方面的內(nèi)容，使讀者了解了熱點地區(qū)的性質(zhì)、特點和對地球物理學(xué)研究的意義。
在地球上散布著一百多處小范圍的火山活動地區(qū)，地質(zhì)學(xué)家稱它們?yōu)闊狳c地區(qū)。和其他大多數(shù)火山不同，它們并不總是處在構(gòu)成地表的大型漂移板塊的邊緣，相反，它們之中有很多深深地潛伏在板塊的內(nèi)部。大多數(shù)的熱點地區(qū)運動得非常緩慢，有時板塊運動經(jīng)過它們，會留下死火山的蹤跡。這些熱點地區(qū)及其火山蹤跡標(biāo)志出板塊的運動情況。
板塊是運動的，這一點現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)無需質(zhì)疑了。比如，由于新的物質(zhì)不斷加入非洲和南美洲之間的大洋底部，這兩塊大陸正在越漂越遠(yuǎn)。互補的海岸線和似乎跨越大洋的某些地質(zhì)特征提醒著人們這兩塊大陸曾經(jīng)一度是相連的。大陸板塊的相對運動被人們詳細(xì)地復(fù)制出來，但是板塊之間的相對運動并不能看成是板塊相對于地球內(nèi)部的運動。很難判定到底是兩塊大陸同時向相反方向移動，還是一塊大陸是靜止的，而另一塊正在逐漸漂離。熱點地區(qū)牢牢扎根于地球的深處，為解決這一問題提供了依據(jù)。從對熱點地區(qū)的數(shù)量分析可以看出，非洲板塊是靜止的，在過去的三千萬年中沒有移動過。
熱點地區(qū)的重要性并不僅僅局限于作為參考依據(jù)，它們對推動全球板塊的物理變化也有重要影響。當(dāng)大陸板塊停在一個熱點地區(qū)上時，地球深處涌出的物質(zhì)就形成了一個寬闊的穹頂，隨著穹頂不斷生長，就會產(chǎn)生深深的裂縫。有些時候，大陸會沿著某些這樣的裂縫完全裂開，這樣熱點地區(qū)就導(dǎo)致了新的大洋的誕生。就像早期理論解釋了大陸的可移動性一樣，熱點地區(qū)能夠解釋大陸的不穩(wěn)定性。
Part IIIReading Comprehension
Directions： Each of the passages below is followed by some questions. For each question there are four answers marked A， B， C and D. Read the passages carefully and choose the best answer to each of the questions. Then mark your answer on the ANSWER SHEET 1 by blackening the corresponding letter in the brackets. （40 points）
Passage 1
Few creations of big technology capture the imagination like giant dams. Perhaps it is humankinds long suffering at the mercy of flood and drought that makes the ideal of forcing the waters to do our bidding so fascination. But to be fascinated is also， sometimes， to be blind. Several giant dam projects threaten to do more harm than good.
The lesson from dams is that big is not always beautiful. It doesnt help that building a big， powerful dam has become a symbol of achievement for nations and people striving to assert themselves. Egypts leadership in the Arab world was cemented by the Aswan High Dam. Turkeys bid for First World status includes the giant Ataturk Dam.
But big dams tend not to work as intended. The Aswan Dam， for example， stopped the Nile flooding but deprived Egypt of the fertile silt that floods left - all in return for a giant reservoir of disease which is now so full of silt that it barely generates electricity.
And yet， the myth of controlling the waters persists. This week， in the heart of civilized Europe， Slovaks and Hungarians stopped just short of sending in the troops in their contention over a dam on the Danube. The huge complex will probably have all the usual problems of big dams. But Slovakia is bidding for independence from the Czechs， and now needs a dam to prove itself.
Meanwhile， in India， the World Bank has given the go ahead to the even more wrong headed Narmada Dam. And the bank has done this even though its advisors say the dam will cause hardship for the powerless and environmental destruction. The benefits are for the powerful， but they are far from guaranteed.
Proper， scientific study of the impacts of dams and of the cost and benefits of controlling water can help to resolve these conflicts. Hydroelectric power and flood control and irrigation are possible without building monster dams. But when you are dealing with myths， it is hard to be either proper， or scientific. It is time that the world learned the lessons of Aswan. You dont need a dam to be saved.
51. The third sentence of paragraph 1 implies that .
A. people would be happy if they shut their eyes to reality
B. the blind could be happier than the sighted
C. over excited people tend to neglect vital things.
D. fascination makes people lose their eyesight
52. In paragraph 5， "the powerless" probably refers to .
A. areas short of electricity B. dams without power stations
C. poor countries around India D. common people in the Narmada Dam area
53. What is the myth concerning giant dams？
A. They bring in more fertile soil. B. They help defend the country.
C. They strengthen international ties. D. They have universal control of the waters.
54. What the author tries to suggest may best be interpreted as .
A. "Its no use crying over spilt milk" B. "More haste， less speed"
C. "Look before you leap" D. "He who laughs last laughs best"
Passage 2
Well， no gain without pain， they say. But what about pain without gain？ Everywhere you go in America， you hear tales of corporate revival. What is harder to establish is whether the productivity revolution that businessmen assume they are presiding over is for real.
The official statistics are mildly discouraging. They show that， if you lump manufacturing and services together， productivity has grown on average by 1.2% since 1987. That is somewhat faster than the average during the previous decade. And since 1991， productivity has increased by about 2% a year， which is more than twice the 1978-87 average. The trouble is that part of the recent acceleration is due to the usual rebound that occurs at this point in a business cycle， and so is not conclusive evidence of a revival in the underlying trend. There is， as Robert Rubin， the treasury secretary， says， a "disjunction" between the mass of business anecdote that points to a leap in productivity and the picture reflected by the statistics.
Some of this can be easily explained. New ways of organizing the workplace - all that reengineering and downsizing - are only one contribution to the overall productivity of an economy， which is driven by many other factors such as joint investment in equipment and machinery， new technology， and investment in education and training. Moreover， most of the changes that companies make are intended to keep them profitable， and this need not always mean increasing productivity： switching to new markets or improving quality can matter just as much.
Two other explanations are more speculative. First， some of the business restructuring of recent years may have been ineptly done. Second， even if it was well done， it may have spread much less widely than people suppose.
Leonard Schlesinger， a Harvard academic and former chief executive of Au Bong Pain， a rapidly growing chain of bakery cafes， says that much "reengineering" has been crude. In many cases， he believes， the loss of revenue has been greater than the reductions in cost. His colleague， Michael Beer， says that far too many companies have applied reengineering in a mechanistic fashion， chopping out costs without giving sufficient thought to longterm profitability. BBDOs Al Rosenshine is blunter. He dismisses a lot of the work of reengineering consultants as mere rubbish - "the worst sort of ambulance cashing."
55. According to the author， the American economic situation is .
A. not as good as it seems B. at its turning point
C. much better than it seems D. near to complete recovery
56. The official statistics on productivity growth .
A. exclude the usual rebound in a business cycle
B. fall short of businessmens anticipation
C. meet the expectation of business people
D. fail to reflect the true state of economy
57. The author raises the question "what about pain without gain？" because .
A. he questions the truth of "no gain without pain"
B. he does not think the productivity revolution works
C. he wonders if the official statistics are misleading
D. he has conclusive evidence for the revival of businesses
58. Which of the following statements is NOT mentioned in the passage？
A. Radical reforms are essential for the increase of productivity.
B. New ways of organizing workplaces may help to increase productivity.
C. The reduction of costs is not a sure way to gain long term profitability.
D. The consultants are a bunch of good for nothigns.
Passage 3
Science has long had an uneasy relationship with other aspects of culture. Think of Gallileos 17th century trial for his rebelling belief before the Catholic Church or poet William Blakes harsh remarks against the mechanistic worldview of Isaac Newton. The schism between science and the humanities has， if anything， deepened in this century.
Until recently， the scientific community was so powerful that it could afford to ignore its critics - but no longer. As funding for science has declined， scientists have attacked "antiscience" in several books， Notably Higher Superstition， by Paul R. Gross， a biologist at the University of Virginia， and Norman Levitt， a mathematician at Rutgers University； and The DemonHaunted World， by Carl Sagan of Cornell University.
Defenders of science have also voiced their concerns at meetings such as "The Flight from Science and Reason，" held in New York City in 1995， and "Science in the Age of （Mis）information，" which assembled last June near Buffalo.
Antiscience clearly means different things to different people. Gross and Levitt find fault primarily with sociologists， philosophers and other academics who have questioned sciences objectivity. Sagan is more concerned with those who believe in ghosts， creationism and other phenomena that contradict the scientific worldview.
A survey of news stories in 1996 reveals that the antiscience tag has been attached to many other groups as well， from authorities who advocated the elimination of the last remaining stocks of smallpox virus to Republicans who advocated decreased funding for basic research.
Few would dispute that the term applies to the Unabomber， those manifesto， published in 1995， scorns science and longs for return to a pretechnological utopia. But surely that does not mean environmentalists concerned about uncontrolled industrial growth are antiscience， as an essay in US News & World Report last May seemed to suggest.
The environmentalists， inevitably， respond to such critics. The true enemies of science， argues Paul Ehrlich of Stanford University， a pioneer of environmental studies， are those who question the evidence supporting global warming， the depletion of the ozone layer and other consequences of industrial growth.
Indeed， some observers fear that the antiscience epithet is in danger of becoming meaningless. "The term 'antiscience' can lump together too many， quite different things，" notes Harvard University philosopher Gerald Holton in his 1993 work Science and Anti Science. "They have in common only one thing that they tend to annoy or threaten those who regard themselves as more enlightened."
59. The word "schism"（Line 3， Paragraph 1） in the context probably means .
A. confrontation B. dissatisfaction
C. separation D. contempt
60. Paragraphs 2 and 3 are written to .
A. discuss the cause of the decline of sciences power
B. show the authors sympathy with scientists
C. explain the way in which science develops
D. exemplify the division of science and the humanities
61. Which of the following is true according to the passage？
A. Environmentalists were blamed for antiscience in an essay.
B. Politicians are not subject to the labeling of antiscience.
C. The "more enlightened" tend to tag others as antiscience
D. Tagging environmentalists as "antiscience" is justifiable
62. The authors attitude toward the issue of "science vs. antiscience" is .
A. impartial B. subjective
C. biased D. puzzling
Passage 4
Emerging from the 1980 census is the picture of a nation developing more and more regional competition， as population growth in the Northeast and Midwest reaches a near standstill.
This development - and its strong implications for US politics and economy in years ahead - has enthroned the South as Americas most densely populated region for the first time in the history of the nations head counting.
Altogether， the US population rose in the 1970s by 23.2 million people - numerically the third largest growth ever recorded in a single decade. Even so， that gain adds up to only 11.4 percent， lowest in American annual records except for the Depression years.
Americans have been migrating south and west in larger number since World War II， and the pattern still prevails.
Three sun belt states - Florida， Texas and California - together had nearly 10 million more people in 1980 than a decade earlier. Among large cities， San Diego moved from 14th to 8th and San Antonio from 15th to 10th - with Cleveland and Washington. DC， dropping out of the top 10.
Not all that shift can be attributed to the movement out of the snow belt， census officials say. Nonstop waves of immigrants played a role， too - and so did bigger crops of babies as yesterdays "baby boom" generation reached its child bearing years.
Moreover， demographers see the continuing shift south and west as joined by a related but newer phenomenon： More and more， Americans apparently are looking not just for places with more jobs but with fewer people， too. Some instances -
● Regionally， the Rocky Mountain states reported the most rapid growth rate - 37.1 percent since 1970 in a vast area with only 5 percent of the US population.
● Among states， Nevada and Arizona grew fastest of all： 63.5 and 53.1 percent respectively. Except fro Florida and Texas， the top 10 in rate of growth is composed of Western states with 7.5 million people - about 9 per square mile.
The flight from overcrowded ness affects the migration from snow belt to more bearable climates.
Nowhere do 1980 census statistics dramatize more the American search for spacious living than in the Far West. There， California added 3.7 million to its population in the 1970s， more than any other state.
In that decade， however， large numbers also migrated from California， mostly to other parts of the West. Often they chose - and still are choosing - somewhat colder climates such as Oregon， Idaho and Alaska in order to escape smog， crime and other plagues of urbanization in the Golden State.
As a result， Californias growth rate dropped during the 1970s， to 18.5 percent - little more than two thirds the 1960s growth figure and considerably below that of other Western states.
63. Discerned from the perplexing picture of population growth the 1980 census provided， America in 1970s .
A. enjoyed the lowest net growth of population in history
B. witnessed a southwestern shift of population
C. underwent an unparalleled period of population growth
D. brought to a standstill its pattern of migration since World War II
64. The census distinguished itself from previous studies on population movement in that .
A. it stresses the climatic influence on population distribution
B. it highlights the contribution of continuous waves of immigrants
C. it reveals the Americans new pursuit of spacious living
D. it elaborates the delayed effects of yesterdays "baby boom"
65. We can see from the available statistics that .
A. California was once the most thinly populated area in the whole US
B. the top 10 states in growth rate of population were all located in the West
C. cities with better climates benefited unanimously from migration
D. Arizona ranked second of all states in its growth rate of population
66. The word "demographers" （Line 1， Paragraph 7） most probably means .
A. people in favor of the trend of democracy
B. advocates of migration between states
C. scientists engaged in the study of population
D. conservatives clinging to old patterns of life
Passage 5
Scattered around the globe are more than 100 small regions of isolated volcanic activity known to geologists as hot spots. Unlike most of the worlds volcanoes， they are not always found at the boundaries of the great drifting plates that make up the earths surface； on the contrary， many of them lie deep in the interior of a plate. Most of the hot spots move only slowly， and in some cases the movement of the plates past them has left trails of dead volcanoes. The hot spots and their volcanic trails are milestones that mark the passage of the plates.
That the plates are moving is not beyond dispute. Africa and South America， for example， are moving away from earth other as new material is injected into the sea floor between them. The complementary coastlines and certain geological features that seem to span the ocean are reminders of where the two continents were once joined. The relative motion of the plates carrying these continents has been constructed in detail， but the motion of one plate with respect to another cannot readily be translated into motion with respect to the earths interior. It is not possible to determine whether both continents are moving in opposite directions or whether one continent is stationary and the other is drifting away from it. Hot spots， anchored in the deeper layers of the earth， provide the measuring instruments needed to resolve the question. From an analysis of the hot spot population it appears that the African plate is stationary and that it has not moved during the past 30 million years.
The significance of hot spots is not confined to their role as a frame of reference. It now appears that they also have an important influence on the geophysical processes that propel the plates across the globe. When a continental plate come to rest over a hot spot， the material rising from deeper layer creates a broad dome. As the dome grows， it develops seed fissures（cracks）； in at least a few cases the continent may break entirely along some of these fissures， so that the hot spot initiates the formation of a new ocean. Thus just as earlier theories have explained the mobility of the continents， so hot spots may explain their mutability（inconstancy）。
67. The author believes that .
A. the motion of the plates corresponds to that of the earths interior
B. the geological theory about drifting plates has been proved to be true
C. the hot spots and the plates move slowly in opposite directions
D. the movement of hot spots proves the continents are moving apart
68. That Africa and South America were once joined can be deduced from the fact that
A. the two continents are still moving in opposite directions
B. they have been found to share certain geological features
C. the African plates has been stable for 30 million years
D. over 100 hot spots are scattered all around the globe
69. The hot spot theory may prove useful in explaining .
A. the structure of the African plates B. the revival of dead volcanoes
C. the mobility of the continents D. the formation of new oceans
70. The passage is mainly about .
A. the features of volcanic activities
B. the importance of the theory about drifting plates
C. the significance of hot spots in geophysical studies
D. the process of the formation of volcanoes
51. 「C」問題是：本文第一段第3句暗示了。
文章第1段第1句作者講到在重大技術(shù)所創(chuàng)造的東西中，很少有比大壩更能體現(xiàn)人的幻想的。第二句講到也許是因為人類長期遭受洪水和干旱的襲擊，使人類（通過筑壩）制服洪水的愿望更加興奮不已。第1句作者陳述了一個事實，第2句作者給出自己對第1句的解釋。但是第3句筆鋒突變：But to be fascinated is also， sometimes， to be blind. 第4句作者指出問題所在："Several giant dam projects threaten to do more harm than good.". A項與文中內(nèi)容相反；B項文中沒有提及。而D項是為第1段第3句直接講敘的，并不是它所暗示的。
52. 「D」問題是：第5段中的 "the powerless"很有可能指的是。
文章第5段，"the powerless"出現(xiàn)的那句話翻譯出來是"一個銀行顧問指出大壩將會對 'powerless'帶來痛苦。給環(huán)境帶來破壞。" A，B項內(nèi)容使句子變得可笑，無邏輯，顯然不可選。C項內(nèi)容中沒有給予提示。只有D，住在Normada dam地區(qū)的貧民， 符合作者意圖。與之相對應(yīng)的是下句中提到的 "the powerful"， 有權(quán)勢者。此外，形容詞可作名詞用，指具有這樣的特征的人，通常前面加定冠詞 "the". 如：the poor， the rich， the hungry， the thirsty等。
53. 「D」問題是：關(guān)于巨壩的神話到底是什么？
文章第4段第1句作者指出"the myth of controlling the waters"，制服洪水的神話。 或者，我們可以換個角度理解這個短句，——"the myth which is controlling the waters"，即D項內(nèi)容。注意 "waters"在文中是以復(fù)數(shù)形式出現(xiàn)，意思是全世界所有地方的洪水。
54. 「C」問題是：作者試圖給出的建議好可以概括為。
文章第1段作者便指出，對于修建大壩的興奮有時候也會表現(xiàn)為盲目。隨后幾段里，也都給了具體例子加以說明。在后一段結(jié)尾處作者暗示了在針對建設(shè)大壩這個問題上，我們應(yīng)該保持一個正確、科學(xué)的態(tài)度，即三思而后行，C項內(nèi)容。
沒有什么技術(shù)發(fā)明像大型水壩這樣能體現(xiàn)人的想象力。也許是因為人類長期遭受洪水和干旱的折磨，所以讓水聽命于人類這個想法特別令人著迷。但有時，令人著迷的東西也會使人盲目。幾個大型水壩項目對人們的威脅似乎都要大于它們的益處。
水壩給我們的一個教訓(xùn)是，大的并不總是美的。建造一個大型水壩，結(jié)果卻變成國家和人民展示自己的權(quán)威和成就的象征，這樣做并沒有什么好處。阿斯旺 大壩堅固了埃及在阿拉伯世界的領(lǐng)袖地位；土耳其則將阿塔特克大壩當(dāng)作一個爭取第一世界國家地位的砝碼。
但是大水壩經(jīng)常起不到預(yù)期作用。以阿斯旺水壩為例，它阻止了尼羅河的洪水，但埃及再也得不到洪水留下的富含養(yǎng)料的淤泥；與此同時，大壩里卻因為積滿了淤泥，幾乎已經(jīng)無法發(fā)電了。
然而，對水的控制仍然具有神奇的吸引力。就在這個星期，在歐洲文明的中心，斯洛伐克和匈牙利因為在多瑙河修筑水壩問題上的爭端差一點兵戎相見。這一巨型工程可能也會有大型水壩所有的問題，但是斯洛伐克正在和捷克討論獨立，所以需要用一座水壩來證明自己的力量。
與此同時，在印度，世界銀行批準(zhǔn)了甚至更加執(zhí)迷不悟的Narmada大壩工程，盡管銀行的顧問認(rèn)為建這座大壩會給平民帶來苦難，也會給環(huán)境造成破壞。大壩的益處很難保證，但即使有利，也是對那些有權(quán)有勢的人來說的。
對大壩可能帶來的影響，對治水的成本和收益進(jìn)行合理的、科學(xué)的分析，這樣做有利于解決這些矛盾。不用建如此巨型大壩也可以實現(xiàn)水力發(fā)電、控制洪水和灌溉農(nóng)田。但是當(dāng)你面臨神話般的吸引力時，你就無法進(jìn)行合理、科學(xué)的分析?，F(xiàn)在，全世界都應(yīng)該從阿斯旺大壩身上得到教訓(xùn)。你并不需要一座大壩來拯救自己。
55. 「A」問題是：根據(jù)作者，美國的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況。
第一段第三、四句指出，美國到處都在談?wù)撍^公司的振興（tales of corporate revival），但是，商界自認(rèn)為正在進(jìn)行的所謂生產(chǎn)力革命究竟是否名副其實（for real），這一點卻很難確定。該句實際上是全文的主旨，從反面提出了下文旨在回答的問題，所謂生產(chǎn)力革命根本不存在，官方的統(tǒng)計數(shù)字也并不怎么樂觀。該段第四句指出，問題是：近顯示出的增長部分是由商業(yè)領(lǐng)域里此時出現(xiàn)的政策的反彈（rebound）造成的，因此，不能將它看作是更深層的（當(dāng)指生產(chǎn)力）振興的證據(jù)。
56. 「B」問題是：關(guān)于生產(chǎn)力增長的官方統(tǒng)計。
第二段指出，官方的統(tǒng)計數(shù)字也并不怎么樂觀，如果將制造業(yè)和服務(wù)業(yè)算在一起（lump……together），1989年以來生產(chǎn)力平均增長了 1.2%，比前十年的平均指數(shù)略有增長；1991年后，生產(chǎn)率每年增長約2%，是1978年至1987年這十年平均指數(shù)的一倍多。然而問題是：近顯示出的增長部分是由商業(yè)領(lǐng)域里此時出現(xiàn)的正常的反彈造成的，因此，不能將他看作是更深層的（當(dāng)指生產(chǎn)力）振興的證據(jù)。正如財政部長魯賓所說的那樣，一方面，大量的商業(yè)神話似乎表明生產(chǎn)力的激增（leap），另一方面，（官方的）統(tǒng)計數(shù)字又是另一番景象，二者之間存在著一個"差距"（disjunction）。
57. 「B」問題是：作者提出，"那么沒有收獲的痛苦又怎樣呢？"這個問題是因為。
第一段指出，人們常說：不勞則無所獲，但是，要是勞而無獲呢？美國到處都在談?wù)撍^公司的振興，但是，商界自認(rèn)為正在進(jìn)行的所謂生產(chǎn)力革命究竟是否名副其實，這一點卻很難確定。作者的觀點在此其實已表達(dá)得很清楚。
另外，從第三段來看，所謂的生產(chǎn)力革命包括了改組企業(yè)（business restructuring， reengineering）等一系列措施，正如第四段所指出的，近年所進(jìn)行的一些重組措施也許并未奏效，而且，即使有所成效，效果也沒有人們想象的那樣廣泛。在后一段，作者應(yīng)用了幾個專家的評價，這幾位專家對目前進(jìn)行的促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力發(fā)展的措施更是持否定態(tài)度。作者的引用當(dāng)然帶有很大的傾向性，用以支持自己的觀點。
58. 「A」問題是：以下哪一句文中沒有提到？
這是本文所未提到的，作者只指出促進(jìn)生產(chǎn)力革命的措施并未奏效，未達(dá)到人們想象的效果，而并未提到應(yīng)該如何應(yīng)對。
人們常說不勞而獲，這話不錯。但是假如努力了也沒有收獲那又怎么樣呢？在美國，到處都流傳著公司起死回生的故事。但是我們難以確定，生意人認(rèn)為的他們在經(jīng)歷的生產(chǎn)力革命是否是真實的。
政府的統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)有些令人失望：如果將生產(chǎn)部門和服務(wù)部門算在一起，勞動生產(chǎn)力自1987年以來以1.25%的平均速度增長，這比前十年的速度要快。自從 1991年以來，生產(chǎn)力每年增長2%，這個速度比1978-1987的兩倍還多。問題是，造成目前加速增長的原因部分在于經(jīng)濟(jì)循環(huán)過程中正常的反彈，并無實質(zhì)性的證據(jù)證明復(fù)蘇是潛在的趨勢。正如財政部長Robert Rubin 所說，眾多商界傳聞顯示的生產(chǎn)力大幅度提高和統(tǒng)計數(shù)據(jù)顯示的結(jié)果明顯不符。
有些現(xiàn)象很好解釋。對工廠進(jìn)行調(diào)查——例如企業(yè)重組和縮小規(guī)?！皇歉淖冋麄€經(jīng)濟(jì)中勞動生產(chǎn)力的一個方面，影響生產(chǎn)力的還有其他很多因素，例如對機器設(shè)備的投資、新的科學(xué)技術(shù)、對教育和培訓(xùn)的投資等。而且，公司所做的調(diào)整大部分都是為了獲利，而并不總能帶來生產(chǎn)力的提高：轉(zhuǎn)向新的市場和提高產(chǎn)品質(zhì)量同樣也是十分重要的。
另外兩種解釋比較沒有事實依據(jù)。第一種是近年來開展的企業(yè)改組方法不對；第二種是，即使改組是正確的，它所涉及的面也沒有人們想象的那么廣。
Leonard Schlesinger 是一位哈佛大學(xué)的學(xué)者，并曾擔(dān)任過一家增長迅速的連鎖飲食店Au Bong Pain的執(zhí)行長官，他說很多企業(yè)進(jìn)行的重組都是十分粗糙的，在很多情況下，重組造成的財政損失大于成本的削減。他的同事Michael Beer說，很多的公司在重組中只是一味地削減成本，而沒有足夠地考慮長期效益。BBDO公司的Al Rosenshine 說話更加坦率，他認(rèn)為許多企業(yè)重組顧問的工作純粹是一堆垃圾——就知道浪費客戶的錢，什么用也沒有。
59. 「C」問題是：文章第1段第3行中 "schism"這個詞在上下文中有可能意思是。
文中出現(xiàn) "schism"一詞的句子可翻譯為"如果本世紀(jì)有什么變化的話，那就是科學(xué)與人文學(xué)科的'schism'加深了。"B，D項可以馬上排除，因它們使句子與文章文體不符；A，C項看似意思差不多，但要注意，"confrontation"的形式所需過程一般很短，且突然。"separation"則暗示了一個漫長演變的過程。這也正是為什么作者舉幾世紀(jì)前的例子，告訴讀者這個 "schism"實際上是個歷史遺留問題。
60. 「D」問題是：第二段和第三段的目的是。
第二段指出，直到近期，科學(xué)界（the scientific community）力量壯大，沒有必要理睬其批評者?，F(xiàn)在情況不同了（but no longer）。由于科學(xué)經(jīng)費減少，科學(xué)家開始著書抨擊"反科學(xué)"傾向。第三段指出，科學(xué)的維護(hù)者也在聚會上表達(dá)他們的擔(dān)憂。這兩種表現(xiàn)都是二者矛盾公開化、加深的表現(xiàn)。
61. 「A」問題是：根據(jù)文章內(nèi)容以下哪一項是正確的？
第六段第二句指出：但是，這當(dāng)然不意味著為工業(yè)的無限制的擴(kuò)展而擔(dān)憂的環(huán)境保護(hù)者都是反科學(xué)者，《美國新聞與世界報道》五月刊的一篇文章似乎是想把他們歸為反科學(xué)者。對該句的理解可以在第七段第一句中找到線索，該句可譯為：環(huán)境保護(hù)者當(dāng)然對這種批評進(jìn)行了還擊。如果沒受到攻擊，當(dāng)然也沒有必要還擊。
62. 「A」問題是：作者對于科學(xué)VS反科學(xué)這個問題的態(tài)度是。
作者似乎只是客觀地敘述了科學(xué)和人文學(xué)科之間的分歧，而并未評價孰是孰非。
科學(xué)與其他文化領(lǐng)域的關(guān)系一向不睦。比如你可以回想一下17世紀(jì)伽利略因為其叛逆思想而在天主教堂受到審判，或者是詩人William Blake 對牛頓的機械論世界觀的猛烈抨擊。到了本世紀(jì)，科學(xué)和人文學(xué)科之間的裂痕愈加擴(kuò)大了。
以前科學(xué)界的勢力曾經(jīng)非常強大，以至于可以忽略它的批評者，但是近來情況發(fā)生了變化。隨著對科學(xué)研究資助的減少，科學(xué)家開始寫書批判"反科學(xué)"，例如比較有名的書有：弗吉尼亞大學(xué)生物學(xué)家Paul R .Gross和Rutgers 大學(xué)數(shù)學(xué)家 Norman Levitt 所著的《更高級的迷信》，以及康奈爾大學(xué)的Carl Sagan 所著的《鬼魂出沒的世界》。
科學(xué)的維護(hù)者還在一些會議上表達(dá)他們的關(guān)切，例如1995年在紐約召開的"科學(xué)與理性的方向"會議，和去年6月在布法羅附近召開的主題為"信息/錯誤信息時代的科學(xué)"的會議。
反科學(xué)對于不同的人來說，意義也不同。Gross 和 Levitt 批判的對象主要是社會學(xué)家、哲學(xué)家和其他對科學(xué)的客觀性提出質(zhì)疑的學(xué)者。Sagan 反對的對象則主要是那些相信鬼魂、創(chuàng)世論及相信其他與科學(xué)觀點背道而馳的現(xiàn)象的人。
1996年進(jìn)行的對新書的調(diào)查顯示，"反科學(xué)"的標(biāo)簽也被貼在了很多別的人群的身上，包括提倡根除殘余的天花病毒的權(quán)威機構(gòu)，以及提倡削減基礎(chǔ)科學(xué)研究資金的共和黨人。
將"反科學(xué)"的標(biāo)簽使用在Unabomber組織身上是無可非議的。他們在1995年發(fā)表的宣言中嘲笑科學(xué)，并希望回到一個沒有科學(xué)技術(shù)的烏托邦。但是去年五月《美國新聞和世界報道》上的一篇文章稱那些對無控制的工業(yè)增長表示關(guān)切的環(huán)境主義為"反科學(xué)"，這顯然是沒有道理的。
對于這樣的批評，不用說，環(huán)境主義者當(dāng)然反擊。斯坦福大學(xué)環(huán)境研究的先鋒Paul Ehrlich評論說：科學(xué)的真正敵人，是那些對全球變暖、臭氧層損耗和其他工業(yè)增長導(dǎo)致的惡果不愿相信的人。
實際上，觀察家們擔(dān)心"反科學(xué)"的頭銜正面臨著推動意義的危險。哈佛大學(xué)的哲學(xué)教授Gerald Hilton在他1993年出版的《科學(xué)和反科學(xué)》一書中指出："反科學(xué)一詞包含那么多不同的內(nèi)容，這些內(nèi)容只有一點是共同的，就是它們能夠激怒或者威脅到那些自認(rèn)為比別人更有知識的人。"
63. 「B」問題是：從1980年人口調(diào)查所提供人口增長來觀察，美國在70年代里。
第二段指出，在人口統(tǒng)計，美國南部第成為人口稠密的地區(qū)，這一變化對美國未來幾年（in years ahead）的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)都有很大影響；第四段指出，自第二次世界大戰(zhàn)以來，美國人一直有南遷和西遷的趨向，現(xiàn)在還是如此（and the pattern prevails）。所謂西遷，主要是指向位于西南部的加利福尼亞州遷移（見第五、九段）；另外，本文所提到的人口增長速度較快的加利福尼亞、亞利桑那、內(nèi)華達(dá)等州都在美國西南部。
64. 「C」問題是：這次人口普查與以往關(guān)于人口流動調(diào)查不同的是。
第七段指出，除了繼續(xù)的南遷和西遷趨向外，人口統(tǒng)計學(xué)家還發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個相關(guān)的新現(xiàn)象：美國人遷移的目的不僅是尋找工作，而是越來越明顯地尋找人口稀少的地區(qū)居??；第八段指出，離開擁擠的地區(qū)同時也改變了過去美國人一味逃離寒帶、遷向氣候溫和地帶（morebearable climates）的作法；第九段也指出，1980年的統(tǒng)計清楚地表明：美國人遷向西部地區(qū)，是因為他們想尋找寬闊的生存空間（spacious living）。
65. 「D」問題是：我們從可提供的統(tǒng)計中看出。
第七段第二例子指出，在所有州中，內(nèi)華利州和亞利桑那州人口增長多，分別為63.5%和53.1%.可見亞利桑那州位居人口增長第二，選D.
66. 「C」問題是：第7段第1行中 "demographers" 這個詞的意思很有可能是。
該詞意為：人口統(tǒng)計學(xué)家。A，B，D項內(nèi)容都與文章內(nèi)容不相關(guān)。1980年的人口普查顯示，在國內(nèi)，各地區(qū)之間的競爭愈演愈烈，東北部和中西部地區(qū)的人口增長幾乎處于停頓狀態(tài)。
這一發(fā)展態(tài)勢表明，在美國的人口普查歷，南方第成為美國人口稠密的地區(qū)，這對美國未來的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)都有很重要的指導(dǎo)作用。
20世紀(jì)70年代美國的人口總數(shù)增加了2320萬，從絕對人數(shù)上來說，是有記錄以 來，10年內(nèi)人口增長位于第三位的。即使是這樣，增加的人口只占總?cè)丝诘?1.4%，是除了經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退時期之外，年增長率低的。
第二次世界大戰(zhàn)以后，大批的美國人開始向南部和西部移民，這種趨勢現(xiàn)在仍在繼續(xù)。
佛羅里達(dá)、得克薩斯和加利福尼亞，三個位于陽光地帶的州加起來，在1980年的人口總數(shù)比10年前增加了大約一千萬。在大城市中，圣地亞哥從第14位上升到第8位，圣安息東尼奧從第15位上升到第10位，而克利夫蘭和華盛頓則被擠出了前10位。
人口普查員說，這種種變化并不完全是因為人們搬離冰雪地帶造成的。還有其他原因，比如不斷到來的外國移民浪潮，還有在前生育高峰誕生的嬰兒又到達(dá)了生育年齡，因此又有大批新生兒出生。
在人口不斷向南和向西遷移的同時，人口統(tǒng)計學(xué)家也發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個新的現(xiàn)象，那就是：越來越多的美國人不光在尋找有更多工作機會的地方，而且也在尋找人口更稀少的地方，下面幾個例子可以證明：
——從地區(qū)上來看，洛基山脈附近幾個州的人口增長率快：1970年，在這片廣大土地上的居民只占美國人口總數(shù)的5%，而這里現(xiàn)在的人口速度增長卻達(dá)到了37.1%.
——在所有的州里，內(nèi)華達(dá)和亞利桑納的增長速度快，分別是63.5%和53.1%.除了佛羅里達(dá)和得克薩斯，人口增長快的前10個州都位于西部，這些州的人口增長了750萬，大約每平方英里增長9個人。
逃離擁擠的人群，這也影響著從冰雪地帶遷移氣候和地區(qū)的遷移模式。根據(jù)1980年人口普查結(jié)果，美國人追求生活這一現(xiàn)象在美國西部得以充分的體現(xiàn)。加利福尼亞在70年代人口增加了370萬，比其他任何州的增長都要多。
然而，也是在70年代，大批人口也在離開加州，大多數(shù)人搬到了西部的其他地區(qū)。這些人通常會選擇（而且仍在選擇）相對比較寒冷的地方，比如俄勒岡、艾達(dá)荷和阿拉斯加，這樣做是為了逃離煙霧污染、犯罪和城市中的其他煩惱。
其結(jié)果是，70年代加州的人口增長率下降至18.5%，這個數(shù)字僅僅是60年代的三分之二，比西部其他各州的比率都要低。
67. 「B」問題是：作者相信什么。
第二段的第一句話就說"That the plates are moving is now beyond dispute"， beyond dispute 意思是毋庸置疑，所以作者相信關(guān)于板塊漂移的地質(zhì)學(xué)的理論。
68. 「B」問題是：非洲和南美大陸曾經(jīng)相連是基于的事實。
在第二段的第三句話中說到，互補的海岸線和某些相似的地質(zhì)特征能證明它們曾經(jīng)相連。所以選擇B——它們有一些地理上的共性。
69. 「D」問題是：關(guān)于熱點地區(qū)的理論為解釋提供了有力的證據(jù)。
在第三段的倒數(shù)第二句話說到了hotspots 導(dǎo)致了新的大洋的產(chǎn)生。所以選D.
70. 「C」問題是：全文的主旨大意是。
全文三個段落各介紹了熱點地區(qū)某一方面的內(nèi)容，使讀者了解了熱點地區(qū)的性質(zhì)、特點和對地球物理學(xué)研究的意義。
在地球上散布著一百多處小范圍的火山活動地區(qū)，地質(zhì)學(xué)家稱它們?yōu)闊狳c地區(qū)。和其他大多數(shù)火山不同，它們并不總是處在構(gòu)成地表的大型漂移板塊的邊緣，相反，它們之中有很多深深地潛伏在板塊的內(nèi)部。大多數(shù)的熱點地區(qū)運動得非常緩慢，有時板塊運動經(jīng)過它們，會留下死火山的蹤跡。這些熱點地區(qū)及其火山蹤跡標(biāo)志出板塊的運動情況。
板塊是運動的，這一點現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)無需質(zhì)疑了。比如，由于新的物質(zhì)不斷加入非洲和南美洲之間的大洋底部，這兩塊大陸正在越漂越遠(yuǎn)。互補的海岸線和似乎跨越大洋的某些地質(zhì)特征提醒著人們這兩塊大陸曾經(jīng)一度是相連的。大陸板塊的相對運動被人們詳細(xì)地復(fù)制出來，但是板塊之間的相對運動并不能看成是板塊相對于地球內(nèi)部的運動。很難判定到底是兩塊大陸同時向相反方向移動，還是一塊大陸是靜止的，而另一塊正在逐漸漂離。熱點地區(qū)牢牢扎根于地球的深處，為解決這一問題提供了依據(jù)。從對熱點地區(qū)的數(shù)量分析可以看出，非洲板塊是靜止的，在過去的三千萬年中沒有移動過。
熱點地區(qū)的重要性并不僅僅局限于作為參考依據(jù)，它們對推動全球板塊的物理變化也有重要影響。當(dāng)大陸板塊停在一個熱點地區(qū)上時，地球深處涌出的物質(zhì)就形成了一個寬闊的穹頂，隨著穹頂不斷生長，就會產(chǎn)生深深的裂縫。有些時候，大陸會沿著某些這樣的裂縫完全裂開，這樣熱點地區(qū)就導(dǎo)致了新的大洋的誕生。就像早期理論解釋了大陸的可移動性一樣，熱點地區(qū)能夠解釋大陸的不穩(wěn)定性。