GEORGE WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS
To the People of the United States.
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:
1 The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
2 I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
3 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea.
4 I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
5 The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
6 In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it.
7 Here, perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
8 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
9 The unity of Government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
10 For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.
11 But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.
12 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
13 While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
14 These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.
15 In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?
16 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government.
17 All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests.
18 However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
19 Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
20 I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. 21 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
22 The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.
23 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
24 It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
25 There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
26 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.
27 Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
28 It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?
29 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
30 As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
31 Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?
32 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.
33 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
34 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
35 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
36 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
37 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
38 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
39 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
40 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
41 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
42 Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
43 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
44 How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
45 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
46 After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
47 The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
48 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
49 The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
50 Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
51 Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. George Washington United States - September 17, 1796
喬治．華盛頓是美國獨立戰(zhàn)爭時期的武裝部隊總司令，并任一七八七年制憲會議主席，經(jīng)一致推選，出任新國家第一任總統(tǒng)，并于一七九二年再度當(dāng)選連任。毫無疑問，華盛頓本來可以終身擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)，因為沒有別人比他更受人民敬仰與尊重了。但是，他認(rèn)為擔(dān)任兩屆總統(tǒng)已經(jīng)足夠，他從第二任總統(tǒng)職位退休時，準(zhǔn)備了這篇告別辭，于一七九六年九月十七日向美國人民發(fā)布。告別辭對黨爭與派系傾軋的警告；對外國影響或卷入國外糾紛的警告；在公共事務(wù)方面對道德與忠誠精神的呼吁，都是忠告與誡言，對美國歷史影響深遠(yuǎn)，實非華盛頓自己始料所及。
各位朋友和同胞：
我們重新選舉一位公民來主持美國政府的行政工作，已為期不遠(yuǎn)。此時此刻，大家必須運用思想來考慮這一重任付托給誰。因此，我覺得我現(xiàn)在應(yīng)當(dāng)向大家聲明，尤其因為這樣做有助于使公眾意見獲得更為明確的表達，那就是我已下定決心，謝絕將我列為候選人。
關(guān)于我最初負(fù)起這個艱巨職責(zé)時的感想，我已經(jīng)在適當(dāng)?shù)膱龊险f過了?，F(xiàn)在辭掉這一職責(zé)時，我要說的僅僅是，我已誠心誠意地為這個政府的組織和行政，貢獻了我這個判斷力不足的人的力量。就任之初，我并非不知我的能力薄弱，而且我自己的經(jīng)歷更使我缺乏自信，這在別人看來，恐怕更是如此。年事日增，使我越來越認(rèn)為，退休是必要的，而且是會受歡迎的。我確信，如果有任何情況促使我的服務(wù)具有特別價值，那種情況也只是暫時的；所以我相信，按照我的選擇并經(jīng)慎重考慮，我應(yīng)當(dāng)退出政壇，而且，愛國心也容許我這樣做，這是我引以為慰的。
講到這里，我似乎應(yīng)當(dāng)結(jié)束講話。但我對你們幸福的關(guān)切，雖于九泉之下也難以割舍。由于關(guān)切，自然對威脅你們幸福的危險憂心忡忡。這種心情，促使我在今天這樣的場合，提出一些看法供你們嚴(yán)肅思考，并建議你們經(jīng)常重溫。這是我深思熟慮和仔細(xì)觀察的結(jié)論，而且在我看來，對整個民族的永久幸福有著十分重要的意義。
你們的心弦與自由息息相扣，因此用不著我來增強或堅定你們對自由的熱愛。
政府的統(tǒng)一，使大家結(jié)成一個民族，現(xiàn)在這種統(tǒng)一也為你們所珍視。這是理所當(dāng)然的，因為你們真正的獨立，彷佛一座大廈，而政府的統(tǒng)一，乃是這座大廈的主要柱石；它支持你們國內(nèi)的安定，國外的和平；支持你們的安全，你們的繁榮，以及你們?nèi)绱酥匾暤恼嬲杂?。然而不難預(yù)見，曾有某些力量試圖削弱大家心里對于這種真理的信念，這些力量的起因不一，來源各異，但均將煞費苦心，千方百計地產(chǎn)生作用；其所以如此，乃因統(tǒng)一是你們政治堡壘中一個重點，內(nèi)外敵人的炮火，會最持續(xù)不斷地和加緊地(雖然常是秘密地與陰險地)進行轟擊。因此，最重要的乃是大家應(yīng)當(dāng)正確估計這個民族團結(jié)對于集體和個人幸福所具有的重大價值；大家應(yīng)當(dāng)對它抱著誠摯的、經(jīng)常的和堅定不移的忠心；你們在思想和言語中要習(xí)慣于把它當(dāng)作大家政治安全和繁榮的保障；要小心翼翼地守護它。如果有人提到這種信念在某種情況下可以拋棄，即使那只是猜想，也不應(yīng)當(dāng)表示支持。如果有人企圖使我國的一部分脫離其余部分，或想削弱現(xiàn)在聯(lián)系各部分的神經(jīng)紐帶，在其最初出現(xiàn)時，就應(yīng)當(dāng)嚴(yán)加指責(zé)。
對于此點，你們有種種理由加以同情和關(guān)懷。既然你們因出生或歸化而成為同一國家的公民，這個國家就有權(quán)集中你們的情感。美國人這個名稱來自你們的國民身分，它是屬于你們的；這個名號，一定會經(jīng)常提高你們愛國的光榮感，遠(yuǎn)勝任何地方性的名稱。在你們之間，除了極細(xì)微的差別外，有相同的宗教、禮儀、習(xí)俗與政治原則。你們曾為同一目標(biāo)而共同奮斗，并且共同獲得勝利。你們所得到的獨立和自由，乃是你們?nèi)翰呷毫?，同甘苦，共患難的成果。
盡管這些理由是多么強烈地激發(fā)了你們的感情，但終究遠(yuǎn)不及那些對你們有更直接利害關(guān)系的理由。全國各地都可以看到強烈的愿望，要求精心維護和保持聯(lián)邦制。
北方在與受同一政府的平等法律保護的南方自由交往中，發(fā)現(xiàn)南方的產(chǎn)品為航海業(yè)和商業(yè)提供了極其豐富的資源，為制造業(yè)提供了十分寶貴的原料。與此相同，南方在與北方交往時，也從北方所起的作用中獲益不淺，農(nóng)業(yè)得到了發(fā)展，商業(yè)得到了擴大。南方將部分北方海員轉(zhuǎn)入自己的航道，使南方的航運業(yè)興旺了起來。盡管南方在各方面都對全國航運業(yè)的繁榮和發(fā)展有所貢獻，但它期望得到海上力量的保護，目前它的海上力量相對說來太薄弱了。東部在與西部進行類似的交往中，發(fā)現(xiàn)西部是東部自國外輸入商品和在國內(nèi)制造的商品的重要信道，而這個信道將隨著內(nèi)地水陸交通的不斷改善而日趨重要。西部則從東部得到發(fā)展和改善生活所必不可少的物資供應(yīng)；也許更重要的是，西部要確保其產(chǎn)品出口的必要渠道，必須靠聯(lián)邦的大西洋一側(cè)的勢力、影響和未來的海上力量，而這需要把西部看成一個國家，有著不可分割的利害關(guān)系。西部如要靠其它任何方式來保護這種重要的優(yōu)越地位，無論是單靠自己一方的力量，或是靠與外國建立背叛原則和不正常的關(guān)系，從本質(zhì)上來看都是不牢靠的。
由此可見，我國各部分都從聯(lián)合一致中感覺到直接的和特殊的好處，而把所有各部分聯(lián)合在一起，人們會從手段和力量之大規(guī)模結(jié)合中，找到更大力量和更多資源，在抵御外患方面將相應(yīng)地更為安全，而外國對它們和平的破壞也會減少。具有無可估量的價值的是，聯(lián)合一致必然會防止它們自身之間發(fā)生戰(zhàn)爭。這種戰(zhàn)爭不斷地折磨著相互鄰接的國家，因為沒有同一的政府把它們連成一氣。這種戰(zhàn)事，僅由于它們彼此之間的互相競爭，即可發(fā)生，如果與外國有同盟、依附和陰謀串通的關(guān)系，則更會進一步激發(fā)和加劇這種對抗。因此，同樣地，它們可以避免過分發(fā)展軍事力量，這種軍事力量，在任何形式的政府之下，都是對自由不利的，而對共和國的自由，則應(yīng)視為尤具敬意。就這個意義而言，應(yīng)把你們的聯(lián)合一致看作是你們自由的支柱，如果你們珍惜其中一個，也就應(yīng)當(dāng)保存另一個。
你們是否懷疑一個共同的政府能夠管轄這么大的范圍?把這個問題留待經(jīng)驗來解決吧。對付這樣一個問題單純聽信猜測是錯誤的。在這種情況下，非常值得進行一次公平和全面的實驗。要求全國各地組成聯(lián)邦的愿望是如此強烈和明顯，因此，在實踐尚未表明聯(lián)邦制行不通時，試圖在任何方面削弱聯(lián)邦紐帶的人，我們總是有理由懷疑他們的愛國心的。
在研究那些可能擾亂我們聯(lián)邦的種種原因時，使人想到一件至關(guān)重要的事，那就是以地域差別－－北方與南方、大西洋與西部－－為根據(jù)來建立各種黨派；因為那些心懷不軌的人可能力圖借此造成一種信念，以為地方間真的存在著利益和觀點的差異。一個黨派想在某些地區(qū)贏得影響力而采取的策略之一，是歪曲其它地區(qū)的觀點和目標(biāo)。這種歪曲引起的妒忌和不滿，是防不勝防的；使那些本應(yīng)親如兄弟的人變得互不相容。
為了使你們的聯(lián)合保持效力和持久，一個代表全體的政府是不可少的。各地區(qū)結(jié)成聯(lián)盟，不論怎樣嚴(yán)密，都不能充分代替這樣的政府。這種聯(lián)盟一定會經(jīng)歷古往今來所有聯(lián)盟的遭遇，即背約和中斷。由于明白這個重要的事實，所以大家把最初的文件加以改進，通過了一部勝過從前的政府憲法，以期密切聯(lián)合，更有效地管理大家的共同事務(wù)。這個政府，是我們自己選擇的，不曾受人影響，不曾受人威脅，是經(jīng)過全盤研究和縝密考慮而建立的，它的原則和它的權(quán)力的分配，是完全自由的，它把安全和力量結(jié)合起來，而其本身則包含著修正其自身的規(guī)定。這樣一個政府有充分理由要求你們的信任和支持。尊重它的權(quán)力，服從它的法律，遵守它的措施，這些都是真正自由的基本準(zhǔn)則所構(gòu)成的義務(wù)。我們政府體制的基礎(chǔ)，乃是人民有權(quán)制定和變更他們政府的憲法。
可是憲法在經(jīng)全民采取明確和正式的行動加以修改以前，任何人對之都負(fù)有神圣的義務(wù)。人民有建立政府的權(quán)力與權(quán)利，這一觀念乃是以每人有責(zé)任服從所建立的政府為前提的。
要保存你們的政府，要永久維持你們現(xiàn)在的幸福狀態(tài)，你們不僅不應(yīng)支持那些不時發(fā)生的跟公認(rèn)的政府權(quán)力相敵對的行為，而且對那種要改革政府原則的風(fēng)氣，即使其借口似若有理，亦應(yīng)予以謹(jǐn)慎的抵制。他們進攻的方法之一，可能是采取改變憲法的形式，以損害這種體制的活力，從而把不能直接*的東西，暗中加以破壞。在你們可能被邀參與的所有變革中，你們應(yīng)當(dāng)記住，要確定政府的真正性質(zhì)，正如確定人類其它體制一樣，時間和習(xí)慣至少是同樣重要的；應(yīng)當(dāng)記住，要檢驗一國現(xiàn)存政體的真正趨勢，經(jīng)驗是最可靠的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，應(yīng)當(dāng)記住，僅憑假設(shè)和意見便輕易變更，將因假設(shè)和意見之無窮變化而招致無窮的變更，還要特別記住，在我們這樣遼闊的國度里，要想有效地管理大家的共同利益，一個活力充沛的、并且能充分保障自由的政府是必不可少的。在這樣一個權(quán)力得到適當(dāng)分配和調(diào)節(jié)的政府里，自由本身將會從中找到它最可靠的保護者。如果一個政府力量過弱，經(jīng)不住朋黨派系之爭，不能使社會每一分子守法，和能維持全體人民安全而平靜地享受其人身和財產(chǎn)權(quán)利，那么，這個政府只是徒有虛名而已。
我已經(jīng)提醒你們，在美國存在著黨派分立的危險，并特別提到按地域差別來分立黨派的危險。現(xiàn)在讓我從更全面的角度，以最嚴(yán)肅的態(tài)度概略地告誡你們警惕黨派思想的惡劣影響。
不幸的是，這種思想與我們的本性是不可分割的，并扎根于人類腦海里烈的欲望之中。它以各種不同的形式存在于所有政府機構(gòu)里，盡管多少受到抑制、控制或約束。但那些常見的黨派思想的形式，往往是最令人討厭的，并且確實是政府最危險的敵人。
它往往干擾公眾會議的進行，并削弱行政管理能力。它在民眾中引起無根據(jù)的猜忌和莫須有的驚恐；挑撥派對立；有時還引起騷動和叛亂。它為外國影響和腐蝕打開方便之門。外國影響和腐蝕可以輕易地通過派系傾向的渠道深入到政府機構(gòu)中來。這樣，一個國家的政策和意志就會受到另一個國家政策和意志的影響。
有一種意見，認(rèn)為自由國家中的政黨，是對政府施政的有效牽制，有助于發(fā)揚自由精神。在某種限度內(nèi)，這大概是對的；在君主制的政府下，人民基于愛國心，對于政黨精神即使不加袒護，亦會頗為寬容。但在民主性質(zhì)的純屬選任的政府下，這種精神是不應(yīng)予以鼓勵的。從其自然趨勢看來，可以肯定，在每一種有益的目標(biāo)上，總是不乏這種精神的。但這種精神常有趨于過度的危險，因此應(yīng)當(dāng)用輿論的力量使之減輕及緩和。它是一團火，我們不要熄滅它，但要一致警惕，以防它火焰大發(fā)，變成不是供人取暖，而是貽害于人。
還有一項同樣重要的事，就是一個自由國家的思想習(xí)慣，應(yīng)當(dāng)做到使那些負(fù)責(zé)行政的人保持警惕，把各自的權(quán)力局限于憲法規(guī)定的范圍內(nèi)，在行使一個部門的權(quán)力時，應(yīng)避免侵犯另一個部門的權(quán)限。這種越權(quán)精神傾向于把所有各部門的權(quán)力集中于某一部門，因而造成一種真正的專制主義，姑不論其政府的形式如何。
如果民意認(rèn)為，憲法上的權(quán)限之分配或修改，在某方面是不對的，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)照憲法所規(guī)定的辨法予以修改。但我們不可用篡權(quán)的方式予以更改；因為這種方法，可能在某一件事上是有效的手段，但自由政府也常會被這種手段毀滅。所以使用這種方法，有時雖然可以得到局部的或一時的好處，但此例一開，一定抵不過它所引起的永久性危害的。
在導(dǎo)致昌明政治的各種精神意識和風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣中，宗教和道德是不可缺少的支柱。一個竭力破壞人類幸福的偉大支柱－－人類與公民職責(zé)的最堅強支柱－－的人，卻妄想別人贊他愛國，必然是白費心機的。政治家應(yīng)當(dāng)同虔誠的人一樣，尊敬和愛護宗教與道德。宗教與道德同個人福利以及公共福利的關(guān)系，即使寫一本書也說不完。我們只要簡單地問，如果宗教責(zé)任感不存在于法院賴以調(diào)查事件的宣誓中，那么，哪能談得上財產(chǎn)、名譽和生命的安全呢?而且我們也不可耽于幻想，以為道德可不靠宗教而維持下去。高尚的教育，對于特殊構(gòu)造的心靈，盡管可能有所影響，但根據(jù)理智和經(jīng)驗，不容許我們期望，在排除宗教原則的情況下，道德觀念仍能普遍存在。
有一句話大體上是不錯的，那就是：道德是民意所歸的政府所必需的原動力。這條準(zhǔn)則可或多或少地適用于每一種類型的自由政府。凡是自由政府的忠實朋友，對于足以動搖它組織基礎(chǔ)的企圖，誰能熟視無睹呢?因此，請大家把普遍傳播知識的機構(gòu)當(dāng)作最重要的目標(biāo)來加以充實提高。政府組織給輿論以力量，輿論也應(yīng)相應(yīng)地表現(xiàn)得更有見地，這是很重要的。
我們應(yīng)當(dāng)珍視國家的財力，因為這是力量和安全的極為重要的泉源。保存財力的辦法之一是盡量少動用它，并維護和平以避免意外開支；但也要記住，為了防患于未然而及時撥款，往往可以避免支付更大的款項來消弭災(zāi)禍。同樣，我們要避免債臺高筑，為此，不懂要節(jié)約開支，而且在和平時期還要盡力去償還不可避免的戰(zhàn)爭所帶來的債務(wù)，不要將我們自己應(yīng)該承受的負(fù)擔(dān)無情地留給后代。
我們要對所有國家遵守信約和正義，同所有國家促進和平與和睦。宗教和道德要求我們這樣做。難道明智的政策不于一樣要求這樣做嗎?如果我們能夠成為一個總是遵奉崇高的正義和仁愛精神的民族，為人類樹立高尚而嶄新的典范，那我們便不愧為一個自由的、開明的，而且會在不久的將來變得偉大的國家。如果我們始終如一地堅持這種方針，可能會損失一些暫時的利益，但是誰會懷疑，隨著時間的推移和事物的變遷，收獲將遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過損失呢?難道蒼天沒有將一個民族的永久幸福和它的品德聯(lián)系在一起嗎?至少，每一種使人性變得崇高的情操都甘愿接受這種考驗的。萬一考驗失敗，這是否由人的惡行造成的呢?
在實行這種方針時，最要緊的，乃是不要對某些國家抱著永久而固執(zhí)的厭惡心理，而對另一些國家則熱愛不已；應(yīng)當(dāng)對所有國家都培養(yǎng)公正而友善的感情。一個國家，如果習(xí)于其它國家惡此喜彼，這個國家便會在某種程度上淪為奴隸；或為敵意的奴隸，或為友情的奴隸，隨便哪一種都足以將它引離自己的責(zé)任和自己的利益。一國對于另一國心存厭惡，兩國便更易于彼此侮辱和互相傷害，更易于因小故而記恨，并且在發(fā)生偶然或細(xì)瑣的爭執(zhí)時，也易于變得驕狂不羈和難以理喻。
一國對他國懷著熱烈的喜愛，也一樣能產(chǎn)生種種弊端。由于對所喜愛的國家抱同情，遂幻想彼此有共同的利益，實則所謂共同利益僅是想象的，而非真實的；再者，把它國的仇恨也灌注給自己，結(jié)果當(dāng)它國與別國發(fā)生爭執(zhí)或戰(zhàn)爭，自己也會在沒有充分原因和理由的情況下陷身其中。此外，還會把不給與它國的特權(quán)給與所喜愛的國家；于是，這個作出讓步的國家，便會蒙受雙重?fù)p害，一是無端損失本身應(yīng)當(dāng)保留的利益，一是激起未曾得到這種利益的國家的嫉妒、惡感和報復(fù)心理；這給那些有野心的、腐化的或受蒙蔽的公民(他們投靠自己所喜愛的國家)提供了方便，使他們在背叛或犧牲自己國家的利益時不但不遭人憎恨，有時甚至還受到歡迎，并把由于野心、腐化或胡涂而卑鄙愚蠢地屈服的人粉飾成有正直的責(zé)任感、順乎民意、或是熱心公益而值得贊揚的人。
一個自由民族應(yīng)當(dāng)經(jīng)常警覺，提防外國勢力的陰謀詭計(同胞們，我懇求你們相信我)，因為歷史和經(jīng)驗證明，外國勢力乃是共和政府最致命的敵人之一。不過這種提防，要想做到有效，必須不偏不倚，否則會成為我們所要擺脫的勢力的工具，而不是抵御那種勢力的工事。對某國過度偏愛，對另外一個過度偏惡，會使受到這種影響的國家只看到一方面的危險，卻掩蓋甚至縱容另一方所施的詭計。常我們所喜歡的那個國家的爪牙和受他們蒙蔽的人，利用人民的贊賞和信任，誘騙人民放棄本身的利益時，那些可能抵制該國詭計的真正愛國志士，反而極易成為懷疑與憎惡的對象。
我們處理外國事務(wù)的最重要原則，就是在與它們發(fā)展商務(wù)關(guān)系時，盡量避免涉及政治。我們已訂的條約，必須忠實履行。但以此為限，不再增加。
歐洲有一套基本利益，它對于我們毫無或甚少關(guān)系。歐洲經(jīng)常發(fā)生爭執(zhí)，其原因基本上與我們毫不相干。所以，如果我們卷進歐洲事務(wù)，與他們的政治興衰人為地聯(lián)系在一起，或與他們友好而結(jié)成同盟，或與他們敵對而發(fā)生沖突，都是不明智的。
我國獨處一方，遠(yuǎn)離它國，這種地理位置允許并促使我們奉行一條不同的政策路線。如果我們在一個稱職的政府領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下保持團結(jié)，在不久的將來，我們就可以不怕外來干擾造成的物質(zhì)破壞；我們就可以采取一種姿態(tài)，使我們在任何時候決心保持中立時，都可得到它國嚴(yán)正的尊重；好戰(zhàn)國家不能從我們這里獲得好處時，也不敢輕易冒險向我們挑戰(zhàn)；我們可以在正義的指引下依照自己的利益，在和戰(zhàn)問題上作出抉擇。
我們?yōu)槭裁匆饤夁@種特殊環(huán)境帶來的優(yōu)越條件呢?為什么要放棄我們自己的立場而站到外國的立場上去呢?為什么要把我們的命運同歐洲任何一部分的命運交織一起，以致把我們的和平與繁榮，陷入歐洲的野心、競爭、利益關(guān)系、古怪念頭，或反復(fù)無常的羅網(wǎng)之中呢?
我們真正的政策，乃是避免同任何外國訂立永久的同盟，我的意思是我們現(xiàn)在可自由處理這種問題；但請不要誤會，以為我贊成不履行現(xiàn)有的條約。我認(rèn)為，誠實是的政策，這句格言不僅適用于私事，亦通用于公務(wù)。所以我再重復(fù)說一句，那些條約應(yīng)按其原意加以履行。但我覺得延長那些條約是不必要，也是不明智的。
我們應(yīng)當(dāng)經(jīng)常警惕，建立適量的軍隊以保持可觀的防御姿態(tài)，這樣，在非常緊急時期中，我們才可以安全地依靠暫時性的同盟。
無論就政策而言，就人道而言，就利害而言，我們都應(yīng)當(dāng)跟一切國家保持和睦相處與自由來往。但是甚至我們的商業(yè)政策也應(yīng)當(dāng)采取平等和公平的立易，即不向它國要求特權(quán)或特惠，亦不給與它國以特權(quán)或特惠；一切要順事物之自然而行；要用溫和的手段擴展商業(yè)途徑并作多種經(jīng)營，絕不強求；與有此意向的國家訂立有關(guān)交往的習(xí)用條例，俾使貿(mào)易有穩(wěn)定的方向，我國商人的權(quán)利得以明確，政府對他們的扶助得以實現(xiàn)，這種條例應(yīng)為現(xiàn)時情勢和彼此意見所容許的最合理的條例，但也只是暫時的，得根據(jù)經(jīng)驗與情勢隨時予以廢棄或改變；須時時緊記，一國向它國索求無私的恩惠是愚蠢的；要記住，為了得到這種性質(zhì)的恩惠，它必須付出它的一部分獨立為代價；要記住，接受此類恩惠，會使本身處于這樣的境地：自己已為那微小的恩惠出同等的代價，但仍被譴責(zé)為忘恩負(fù)義，認(rèn)為付得不夠。期待或指望國與國之間有真正的恩惠，實乃最嚴(yán)重的錯誤。這是一種幻想，而經(jīng)驗必可將其治愈，正直的自尊心必然會將其擯棄。
雖然在檢討本人任期內(nèi)施政時，我未發(fā)覺有故意的錯誤，但是我很明白我的缺點，并不以為我沒有犯過很多錯誤。不管這些錯誤是什么，我懇切地祈求上帝免除或減輕這些錯誤所可能產(chǎn)生的惡果。而且我也將懷著一種希望，愿我的國家永遠(yuǎn)寬恕這些錯誤；我秉持正直的熱忱，獻身為國家服務(wù)，已經(jīng)四十五年，希望我因為能力薄弱而犯的過失，會隨著我不久以后長眠地下而湮沒無聞。
我在這方面和在其它方面一樣，均須仰賴祖國的仁慈，我熱愛祖國，并受到愛國之情的激勵，這種感情，對于一個視祖國為自己及歷代祖先的故土的人來說，是很自然的。因此，我以歡欣的期待心情，指望在我切盼實現(xiàn)的退休之后，我將與我的同胞們愉快地分享自由政府治下完善的法律的溫暖－－這是我一直衷心向往的目標(biāo)，并且我相信，這也是我們相互關(guān)懷，共同努力和赴湯蹈火的優(yōu)厚報酬。
To the People of the United States.
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:
1 The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
2 I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
3 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea.
4 I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
5 The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
6 In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it.
7 Here, perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
8 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
9 The unity of Government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
10 For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.
11 But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole.
12 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
13 While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
14 These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.
15 In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?
16 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government.
17 All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests.
18 However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
19 Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
20 I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. 21 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
22 The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.
23 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
24 It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
25 There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
26 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.
27 Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
28 It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?
29 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
30 As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
31 Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?
32 In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.
33 So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
34 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
35 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
36 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
37 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
38 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
39 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
40 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
41 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
42 Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
43 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
44 How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
45 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
46 After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
47 The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
48 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
49 The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
50 Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
51 Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. George Washington United States - September 17, 1796
喬治．華盛頓是美國獨立戰(zhàn)爭時期的武裝部隊總司令，并任一七八七年制憲會議主席，經(jīng)一致推選，出任新國家第一任總統(tǒng)，并于一七九二年再度當(dāng)選連任。毫無疑問，華盛頓本來可以終身擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)，因為沒有別人比他更受人民敬仰與尊重了。但是，他認(rèn)為擔(dān)任兩屆總統(tǒng)已經(jīng)足夠，他從第二任總統(tǒng)職位退休時，準(zhǔn)備了這篇告別辭，于一七九六年九月十七日向美國人民發(fā)布。告別辭對黨爭與派系傾軋的警告；對外國影響或卷入國外糾紛的警告；在公共事務(wù)方面對道德與忠誠精神的呼吁，都是忠告與誡言，對美國歷史影響深遠(yuǎn)，實非華盛頓自己始料所及。
各位朋友和同胞：
我們重新選舉一位公民來主持美國政府的行政工作，已為期不遠(yuǎn)。此時此刻，大家必須運用思想來考慮這一重任付托給誰。因此，我覺得我現(xiàn)在應(yīng)當(dāng)向大家聲明，尤其因為這樣做有助于使公眾意見獲得更為明確的表達，那就是我已下定決心，謝絕將我列為候選人。
關(guān)于我最初負(fù)起這個艱巨職責(zé)時的感想，我已經(jīng)在適當(dāng)?shù)膱龊险f過了?，F(xiàn)在辭掉這一職責(zé)時，我要說的僅僅是，我已誠心誠意地為這個政府的組織和行政，貢獻了我這個判斷力不足的人的力量。就任之初，我并非不知我的能力薄弱，而且我自己的經(jīng)歷更使我缺乏自信，這在別人看來，恐怕更是如此。年事日增，使我越來越認(rèn)為，退休是必要的，而且是會受歡迎的。我確信，如果有任何情況促使我的服務(wù)具有特別價值，那種情況也只是暫時的；所以我相信，按照我的選擇并經(jīng)慎重考慮，我應(yīng)當(dāng)退出政壇，而且，愛國心也容許我這樣做，這是我引以為慰的。
講到這里，我似乎應(yīng)當(dāng)結(jié)束講話。但我對你們幸福的關(guān)切，雖于九泉之下也難以割舍。由于關(guān)切，自然對威脅你們幸福的危險憂心忡忡。這種心情，促使我在今天這樣的場合，提出一些看法供你們嚴(yán)肅思考，并建議你們經(jīng)常重溫。這是我深思熟慮和仔細(xì)觀察的結(jié)論，而且在我看來，對整個民族的永久幸福有著十分重要的意義。
你們的心弦與自由息息相扣，因此用不著我來增強或堅定你們對自由的熱愛。
政府的統(tǒng)一，使大家結(jié)成一個民族，現(xiàn)在這種統(tǒng)一也為你們所珍視。這是理所當(dāng)然的，因為你們真正的獨立，彷佛一座大廈，而政府的統(tǒng)一，乃是這座大廈的主要柱石；它支持你們國內(nèi)的安定，國外的和平；支持你們的安全，你們的繁榮，以及你們?nèi)绱酥匾暤恼嬲杂?。然而不難預(yù)見，曾有某些力量試圖削弱大家心里對于這種真理的信念，這些力量的起因不一，來源各異，但均將煞費苦心，千方百計地產(chǎn)生作用；其所以如此，乃因統(tǒng)一是你們政治堡壘中一個重點，內(nèi)外敵人的炮火，會最持續(xù)不斷地和加緊地(雖然常是秘密地與陰險地)進行轟擊。因此，最重要的乃是大家應(yīng)當(dāng)正確估計這個民族團結(jié)對于集體和個人幸福所具有的重大價值；大家應(yīng)當(dāng)對它抱著誠摯的、經(jīng)常的和堅定不移的忠心；你們在思想和言語中要習(xí)慣于把它當(dāng)作大家政治安全和繁榮的保障；要小心翼翼地守護它。如果有人提到這種信念在某種情況下可以拋棄，即使那只是猜想，也不應(yīng)當(dāng)表示支持。如果有人企圖使我國的一部分脫離其余部分，或想削弱現(xiàn)在聯(lián)系各部分的神經(jīng)紐帶，在其最初出現(xiàn)時，就應(yīng)當(dāng)嚴(yán)加指責(zé)。
對于此點，你們有種種理由加以同情和關(guān)懷。既然你們因出生或歸化而成為同一國家的公民，這個國家就有權(quán)集中你們的情感。美國人這個名稱來自你們的國民身分，它是屬于你們的；這個名號，一定會經(jīng)常提高你們愛國的光榮感，遠(yuǎn)勝任何地方性的名稱。在你們之間，除了極細(xì)微的差別外，有相同的宗教、禮儀、習(xí)俗與政治原則。你們曾為同一目標(biāo)而共同奮斗，并且共同獲得勝利。你們所得到的獨立和自由，乃是你們?nèi)翰呷毫?，同甘苦，共患難的成果。
盡管這些理由是多么強烈地激發(fā)了你們的感情，但終究遠(yuǎn)不及那些對你們有更直接利害關(guān)系的理由。全國各地都可以看到強烈的愿望，要求精心維護和保持聯(lián)邦制。
北方在與受同一政府的平等法律保護的南方自由交往中，發(fā)現(xiàn)南方的產(chǎn)品為航海業(yè)和商業(yè)提供了極其豐富的資源，為制造業(yè)提供了十分寶貴的原料。與此相同，南方在與北方交往時，也從北方所起的作用中獲益不淺，農(nóng)業(yè)得到了發(fā)展，商業(yè)得到了擴大。南方將部分北方海員轉(zhuǎn)入自己的航道，使南方的航運業(yè)興旺了起來。盡管南方在各方面都對全國航運業(yè)的繁榮和發(fā)展有所貢獻，但它期望得到海上力量的保護，目前它的海上力量相對說來太薄弱了。東部在與西部進行類似的交往中，發(fā)現(xiàn)西部是東部自國外輸入商品和在國內(nèi)制造的商品的重要信道，而這個信道將隨著內(nèi)地水陸交通的不斷改善而日趨重要。西部則從東部得到發(fā)展和改善生活所必不可少的物資供應(yīng)；也許更重要的是，西部要確保其產(chǎn)品出口的必要渠道，必須靠聯(lián)邦的大西洋一側(cè)的勢力、影響和未來的海上力量，而這需要把西部看成一個國家，有著不可分割的利害關(guān)系。西部如要靠其它任何方式來保護這種重要的優(yōu)越地位，無論是單靠自己一方的力量，或是靠與外國建立背叛原則和不正常的關(guān)系，從本質(zhì)上來看都是不牢靠的。
由此可見，我國各部分都從聯(lián)合一致中感覺到直接的和特殊的好處，而把所有各部分聯(lián)合在一起，人們會從手段和力量之大規(guī)模結(jié)合中，找到更大力量和更多資源，在抵御外患方面將相應(yīng)地更為安全，而外國對它們和平的破壞也會減少。具有無可估量的價值的是，聯(lián)合一致必然會防止它們自身之間發(fā)生戰(zhàn)爭。這種戰(zhàn)爭不斷地折磨著相互鄰接的國家，因為沒有同一的政府把它們連成一氣。這種戰(zhàn)事，僅由于它們彼此之間的互相競爭，即可發(fā)生，如果與外國有同盟、依附和陰謀串通的關(guān)系，則更會進一步激發(fā)和加劇這種對抗。因此，同樣地，它們可以避免過分發(fā)展軍事力量，這種軍事力量，在任何形式的政府之下，都是對自由不利的，而對共和國的自由，則應(yīng)視為尤具敬意。就這個意義而言，應(yīng)把你們的聯(lián)合一致看作是你們自由的支柱，如果你們珍惜其中一個，也就應(yīng)當(dāng)保存另一個。
你們是否懷疑一個共同的政府能夠管轄這么大的范圍?把這個問題留待經(jīng)驗來解決吧。對付這樣一個問題單純聽信猜測是錯誤的。在這種情況下，非常值得進行一次公平和全面的實驗。要求全國各地組成聯(lián)邦的愿望是如此強烈和明顯，因此，在實踐尚未表明聯(lián)邦制行不通時，試圖在任何方面削弱聯(lián)邦紐帶的人，我們總是有理由懷疑他們的愛國心的。
在研究那些可能擾亂我們聯(lián)邦的種種原因時，使人想到一件至關(guān)重要的事，那就是以地域差別－－北方與南方、大西洋與西部－－為根據(jù)來建立各種黨派；因為那些心懷不軌的人可能力圖借此造成一種信念，以為地方間真的存在著利益和觀點的差異。一個黨派想在某些地區(qū)贏得影響力而采取的策略之一，是歪曲其它地區(qū)的觀點和目標(biāo)。這種歪曲引起的妒忌和不滿，是防不勝防的；使那些本應(yīng)親如兄弟的人變得互不相容。
為了使你們的聯(lián)合保持效力和持久，一個代表全體的政府是不可少的。各地區(qū)結(jié)成聯(lián)盟，不論怎樣嚴(yán)密，都不能充分代替這樣的政府。這種聯(lián)盟一定會經(jīng)歷古往今來所有聯(lián)盟的遭遇，即背約和中斷。由于明白這個重要的事實，所以大家把最初的文件加以改進，通過了一部勝過從前的政府憲法，以期密切聯(lián)合，更有效地管理大家的共同事務(wù)。這個政府，是我們自己選擇的，不曾受人影響，不曾受人威脅，是經(jīng)過全盤研究和縝密考慮而建立的，它的原則和它的權(quán)力的分配，是完全自由的，它把安全和力量結(jié)合起來，而其本身則包含著修正其自身的規(guī)定。這樣一個政府有充分理由要求你們的信任和支持。尊重它的權(quán)力，服從它的法律，遵守它的措施，這些都是真正自由的基本準(zhǔn)則所構(gòu)成的義務(wù)。我們政府體制的基礎(chǔ)，乃是人民有權(quán)制定和變更他們政府的憲法。
可是憲法在經(jīng)全民采取明確和正式的行動加以修改以前，任何人對之都負(fù)有神圣的義務(wù)。人民有建立政府的權(quán)力與權(quán)利，這一觀念乃是以每人有責(zé)任服從所建立的政府為前提的。
要保存你們的政府，要永久維持你們現(xiàn)在的幸福狀態(tài)，你們不僅不應(yīng)支持那些不時發(fā)生的跟公認(rèn)的政府權(quán)力相敵對的行為，而且對那種要改革政府原則的風(fēng)氣，即使其借口似若有理，亦應(yīng)予以謹(jǐn)慎的抵制。他們進攻的方法之一，可能是采取改變憲法的形式，以損害這種體制的活力，從而把不能直接*的東西，暗中加以破壞。在你們可能被邀參與的所有變革中，你們應(yīng)當(dāng)記住，要確定政府的真正性質(zhì)，正如確定人類其它體制一樣，時間和習(xí)慣至少是同樣重要的；應(yīng)當(dāng)記住，要檢驗一國現(xiàn)存政體的真正趨勢，經(jīng)驗是最可靠的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，應(yīng)當(dāng)記住，僅憑假設(shè)和意見便輕易變更，將因假設(shè)和意見之無窮變化而招致無窮的變更，還要特別記住，在我們這樣遼闊的國度里，要想有效地管理大家的共同利益，一個活力充沛的、并且能充分保障自由的政府是必不可少的。在這樣一個權(quán)力得到適當(dāng)分配和調(diào)節(jié)的政府里，自由本身將會從中找到它最可靠的保護者。如果一個政府力量過弱，經(jīng)不住朋黨派系之爭，不能使社會每一分子守法，和能維持全體人民安全而平靜地享受其人身和財產(chǎn)權(quán)利，那么，這個政府只是徒有虛名而已。
我已經(jīng)提醒你們，在美國存在著黨派分立的危險，并特別提到按地域差別來分立黨派的危險。現(xiàn)在讓我從更全面的角度，以最嚴(yán)肅的態(tài)度概略地告誡你們警惕黨派思想的惡劣影響。
不幸的是，這種思想與我們的本性是不可分割的，并扎根于人類腦海里烈的欲望之中。它以各種不同的形式存在于所有政府機構(gòu)里，盡管多少受到抑制、控制或約束。但那些常見的黨派思想的形式，往往是最令人討厭的，并且確實是政府最危險的敵人。
它往往干擾公眾會議的進行，并削弱行政管理能力。它在民眾中引起無根據(jù)的猜忌和莫須有的驚恐；挑撥派對立；有時還引起騷動和叛亂。它為外國影響和腐蝕打開方便之門。外國影響和腐蝕可以輕易地通過派系傾向的渠道深入到政府機構(gòu)中來。這樣，一個國家的政策和意志就會受到另一個國家政策和意志的影響。
有一種意見，認(rèn)為自由國家中的政黨，是對政府施政的有效牽制，有助于發(fā)揚自由精神。在某種限度內(nèi)，這大概是對的；在君主制的政府下，人民基于愛國心，對于政黨精神即使不加袒護，亦會頗為寬容。但在民主性質(zhì)的純屬選任的政府下，這種精神是不應(yīng)予以鼓勵的。從其自然趨勢看來，可以肯定，在每一種有益的目標(biāo)上，總是不乏這種精神的。但這種精神常有趨于過度的危險，因此應(yīng)當(dāng)用輿論的力量使之減輕及緩和。它是一團火，我們不要熄滅它，但要一致警惕，以防它火焰大發(fā)，變成不是供人取暖，而是貽害于人。
還有一項同樣重要的事，就是一個自由國家的思想習(xí)慣，應(yīng)當(dāng)做到使那些負(fù)責(zé)行政的人保持警惕，把各自的權(quán)力局限于憲法規(guī)定的范圍內(nèi)，在行使一個部門的權(quán)力時，應(yīng)避免侵犯另一個部門的權(quán)限。這種越權(quán)精神傾向于把所有各部門的權(quán)力集中于某一部門，因而造成一種真正的專制主義，姑不論其政府的形式如何。
如果民意認(rèn)為，憲法上的權(quán)限之分配或修改，在某方面是不對的，我們應(yīng)當(dāng)照憲法所規(guī)定的辨法予以修改。但我們不可用篡權(quán)的方式予以更改；因為這種方法，可能在某一件事上是有效的手段，但自由政府也常會被這種手段毀滅。所以使用這種方法，有時雖然可以得到局部的或一時的好處，但此例一開，一定抵不過它所引起的永久性危害的。
在導(dǎo)致昌明政治的各種精神意識和風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣中，宗教和道德是不可缺少的支柱。一個竭力破壞人類幸福的偉大支柱－－人類與公民職責(zé)的最堅強支柱－－的人，卻妄想別人贊他愛國，必然是白費心機的。政治家應(yīng)當(dāng)同虔誠的人一樣，尊敬和愛護宗教與道德。宗教與道德同個人福利以及公共福利的關(guān)系，即使寫一本書也說不完。我們只要簡單地問，如果宗教責(zé)任感不存在于法院賴以調(diào)查事件的宣誓中，那么，哪能談得上財產(chǎn)、名譽和生命的安全呢?而且我們也不可耽于幻想，以為道德可不靠宗教而維持下去。高尚的教育，對于特殊構(gòu)造的心靈，盡管可能有所影響，但根據(jù)理智和經(jīng)驗，不容許我們期望，在排除宗教原則的情況下，道德觀念仍能普遍存在。
有一句話大體上是不錯的，那就是：道德是民意所歸的政府所必需的原動力。這條準(zhǔn)則可或多或少地適用于每一種類型的自由政府。凡是自由政府的忠實朋友，對于足以動搖它組織基礎(chǔ)的企圖，誰能熟視無睹呢?因此，請大家把普遍傳播知識的機構(gòu)當(dāng)作最重要的目標(biāo)來加以充實提高。政府組織給輿論以力量，輿論也應(yīng)相應(yīng)地表現(xiàn)得更有見地，這是很重要的。
我們應(yīng)當(dāng)珍視國家的財力，因為這是力量和安全的極為重要的泉源。保存財力的辦法之一是盡量少動用它，并維護和平以避免意外開支；但也要記住，為了防患于未然而及時撥款，往往可以避免支付更大的款項來消弭災(zāi)禍。同樣，我們要避免債臺高筑，為此，不懂要節(jié)約開支，而且在和平時期還要盡力去償還不可避免的戰(zhàn)爭所帶來的債務(wù)，不要將我們自己應(yīng)該承受的負(fù)擔(dān)無情地留給后代。
我們要對所有國家遵守信約和正義，同所有國家促進和平與和睦。宗教和道德要求我們這樣做。難道明智的政策不于一樣要求這樣做嗎?如果我們能夠成為一個總是遵奉崇高的正義和仁愛精神的民族，為人類樹立高尚而嶄新的典范，那我們便不愧為一個自由的、開明的，而且會在不久的將來變得偉大的國家。如果我們始終如一地堅持這種方針，可能會損失一些暫時的利益，但是誰會懷疑，隨著時間的推移和事物的變遷，收獲將遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過損失呢?難道蒼天沒有將一個民族的永久幸福和它的品德聯(lián)系在一起嗎?至少，每一種使人性變得崇高的情操都甘愿接受這種考驗的。萬一考驗失敗，這是否由人的惡行造成的呢?
在實行這種方針時，最要緊的，乃是不要對某些國家抱著永久而固執(zhí)的厭惡心理，而對另一些國家則熱愛不已；應(yīng)當(dāng)對所有國家都培養(yǎng)公正而友善的感情。一個國家，如果習(xí)于其它國家惡此喜彼，這個國家便會在某種程度上淪為奴隸；或為敵意的奴隸，或為友情的奴隸，隨便哪一種都足以將它引離自己的責(zé)任和自己的利益。一國對于另一國心存厭惡，兩國便更易于彼此侮辱和互相傷害，更易于因小故而記恨，并且在發(fā)生偶然或細(xì)瑣的爭執(zhí)時，也易于變得驕狂不羈和難以理喻。
一國對他國懷著熱烈的喜愛，也一樣能產(chǎn)生種種弊端。由于對所喜愛的國家抱同情，遂幻想彼此有共同的利益，實則所謂共同利益僅是想象的，而非真實的；再者，把它國的仇恨也灌注給自己，結(jié)果當(dāng)它國與別國發(fā)生爭執(zhí)或戰(zhàn)爭，自己也會在沒有充分原因和理由的情況下陷身其中。此外，還會把不給與它國的特權(quán)給與所喜愛的國家；于是，這個作出讓步的國家，便會蒙受雙重?fù)p害，一是無端損失本身應(yīng)當(dāng)保留的利益，一是激起未曾得到這種利益的國家的嫉妒、惡感和報復(fù)心理；這給那些有野心的、腐化的或受蒙蔽的公民(他們投靠自己所喜愛的國家)提供了方便，使他們在背叛或犧牲自己國家的利益時不但不遭人憎恨，有時甚至還受到歡迎，并把由于野心、腐化或胡涂而卑鄙愚蠢地屈服的人粉飾成有正直的責(zé)任感、順乎民意、或是熱心公益而值得贊揚的人。
一個自由民族應(yīng)當(dāng)經(jīng)常警覺，提防外國勢力的陰謀詭計(同胞們，我懇求你們相信我)，因為歷史和經(jīng)驗證明，外國勢力乃是共和政府最致命的敵人之一。不過這種提防，要想做到有效，必須不偏不倚，否則會成為我們所要擺脫的勢力的工具，而不是抵御那種勢力的工事。對某國過度偏愛，對另外一個過度偏惡，會使受到這種影響的國家只看到一方面的危險，卻掩蓋甚至縱容另一方所施的詭計。常我們所喜歡的那個國家的爪牙和受他們蒙蔽的人，利用人民的贊賞和信任，誘騙人民放棄本身的利益時，那些可能抵制該國詭計的真正愛國志士，反而極易成為懷疑與憎惡的對象。
我們處理外國事務(wù)的最重要原則，就是在與它們發(fā)展商務(wù)關(guān)系時，盡量避免涉及政治。我們已訂的條約，必須忠實履行。但以此為限，不再增加。
歐洲有一套基本利益，它對于我們毫無或甚少關(guān)系。歐洲經(jīng)常發(fā)生爭執(zhí)，其原因基本上與我們毫不相干。所以，如果我們卷進歐洲事務(wù)，與他們的政治興衰人為地聯(lián)系在一起，或與他們友好而結(jié)成同盟，或與他們敵對而發(fā)生沖突，都是不明智的。
我國獨處一方，遠(yuǎn)離它國，這種地理位置允許并促使我們奉行一條不同的政策路線。如果我們在一個稱職的政府領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下保持團結(jié)，在不久的將來，我們就可以不怕外來干擾造成的物質(zhì)破壞；我們就可以采取一種姿態(tài)，使我們在任何時候決心保持中立時，都可得到它國嚴(yán)正的尊重；好戰(zhàn)國家不能從我們這里獲得好處時，也不敢輕易冒險向我們挑戰(zhàn)；我們可以在正義的指引下依照自己的利益，在和戰(zhàn)問題上作出抉擇。
我們?yōu)槭裁匆饤夁@種特殊環(huán)境帶來的優(yōu)越條件呢?為什么要放棄我們自己的立場而站到外國的立場上去呢?為什么要把我們的命運同歐洲任何一部分的命運交織一起，以致把我們的和平與繁榮，陷入歐洲的野心、競爭、利益關(guān)系、古怪念頭，或反復(fù)無常的羅網(wǎng)之中呢?
我們真正的政策，乃是避免同任何外國訂立永久的同盟，我的意思是我們現(xiàn)在可自由處理這種問題；但請不要誤會，以為我贊成不履行現(xiàn)有的條約。我認(rèn)為，誠實是的政策，這句格言不僅適用于私事，亦通用于公務(wù)。所以我再重復(fù)說一句，那些條約應(yīng)按其原意加以履行。但我覺得延長那些條約是不必要，也是不明智的。
我們應(yīng)當(dāng)經(jīng)常警惕，建立適量的軍隊以保持可觀的防御姿態(tài)，這樣，在非常緊急時期中，我們才可以安全地依靠暫時性的同盟。
無論就政策而言，就人道而言，就利害而言，我們都應(yīng)當(dāng)跟一切國家保持和睦相處與自由來往。但是甚至我們的商業(yè)政策也應(yīng)當(dāng)采取平等和公平的立易，即不向它國要求特權(quán)或特惠，亦不給與它國以特權(quán)或特惠；一切要順事物之自然而行；要用溫和的手段擴展商業(yè)途徑并作多種經(jīng)營，絕不強求；與有此意向的國家訂立有關(guān)交往的習(xí)用條例，俾使貿(mào)易有穩(wěn)定的方向，我國商人的權(quán)利得以明確，政府對他們的扶助得以實現(xiàn)，這種條例應(yīng)為現(xiàn)時情勢和彼此意見所容許的最合理的條例，但也只是暫時的，得根據(jù)經(jīng)驗與情勢隨時予以廢棄或改變；須時時緊記，一國向它國索求無私的恩惠是愚蠢的；要記住，為了得到這種性質(zhì)的恩惠，它必須付出它的一部分獨立為代價；要記住，接受此類恩惠，會使本身處于這樣的境地：自己已為那微小的恩惠出同等的代價，但仍被譴責(zé)為忘恩負(fù)義，認(rèn)為付得不夠。期待或指望國與國之間有真正的恩惠，實乃最嚴(yán)重的錯誤。這是一種幻想，而經(jīng)驗必可將其治愈，正直的自尊心必然會將其擯棄。
雖然在檢討本人任期內(nèi)施政時，我未發(fā)覺有故意的錯誤，但是我很明白我的缺點，并不以為我沒有犯過很多錯誤。不管這些錯誤是什么，我懇切地祈求上帝免除或減輕這些錯誤所可能產(chǎn)生的惡果。而且我也將懷著一種希望，愿我的國家永遠(yuǎn)寬恕這些錯誤；我秉持正直的熱忱，獻身為國家服務(wù)，已經(jīng)四十五年，希望我因為能力薄弱而犯的過失，會隨著我不久以后長眠地下而湮沒無聞。
我在這方面和在其它方面一樣，均須仰賴祖國的仁慈，我熱愛祖國，并受到愛國之情的激勵，這種感情，對于一個視祖國為自己及歷代祖先的故土的人來說，是很自然的。因此，我以歡欣的期待心情，指望在我切盼實現(xiàn)的退休之后，我將與我的同胞們愉快地分享自由政府治下完善的法律的溫暖－－這是我一直衷心向往的目標(biāo)，并且我相信，這也是我們相互關(guān)懷，共同努力和赴湯蹈火的優(yōu)厚報酬。