Education in New York
紐約教育
Teach us, Mr Mayor
教教我們吧，市長先生（陳繼龍 譯）
As mayors become leaders of school reform, cities look to New York
隨著市長成為學(xué)校改革領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，各市都指望著紐約。
WHEN Adrian Fenty became mayor of Washington, DC, this month, he immediately announced a plan to take over the city's schools. He is not the first to propose such a scheme, and will not be the last. Although in most cities schools are run by an elected board, this is changing fast. Boston's mayor began the trend of “mayoral control” in 1991: it has spread to Cleveland, Chicago and a dozen other cities and counties, including Los Angeles, where it is now the subject of a court battle. But it is Michael Bloomberg, who took charge of New York's school system—the nation's largest—in 2002, who has become the paradigm of the mayor-educator.
本月阿德里安•芬蒂成為華盛頓市長后，隨即宣布了一項(xiàng)接管該市各所學(xué)校的計(jì)劃。他并不是提出這種計(jì)劃的第一人，而且也不會是后一人。盡管在大多數(shù)城市學(xué)校均由推選的教育委員會管理，但這種情況正在迅速改變。波士頓市長在 1991年就開創(chuàng)了“市長控制”的先河，現(xiàn)已擴(kuò)展到克利夫蘭、芝加哥及其它12個(gè)市縣，其中還包括洛杉磯。在洛杉磯，“市長控制”已成為法庭辯論的焦點(diǎn)。不過，“市長教育家”的楷模非紐約市長邁克爾•彭博莫屬，他于2002年掌管了規(guī)模位居美國第一的紐約教育系統(tǒng)。
（1）The sad state of city schools has never been plainer, thanks to testing required by No Child Left Behind, George Bush's 2002 education law. In 2005 51% of fourth-graders in big cities scored “below basic” on a standard reading test, compared with a national average of 38%. （2）Mayors are eager to step in, well aware that bad schools not only harm students, but drive away the middle class and make cities less competitive. But what can mayors do that school boards cannot?
布什2002年簽署了教育法令《不讓一個(gè)孩子掉隊(duì)》（No Child Left Behind），根據(jù)法令要求開展的評估結(jié)果清楚地表明，城市學(xué)?，F(xiàn)狀十分糟糕。2005年，大城市四年級學(xué)生有51%在標(biāo)準(zhǔn)閱讀測試中成績“低于基本要求”，而全國的平均水平為38%。市長們非常清楚，學(xué)校差不但會害了學(xué)生，也會導(dǎo)致中產(chǎn)階級流失而減弱城市的競爭力，因而都急于插手學(xué)校事務(wù)，可是有什么教育委員會辦不到的而市長們卻能做到的呢？
Mr Bloomberg, who gave his state-of-the-city address on January 17th, offers an answer. His power over schools has made him directly accountable for them, streamlined organisation and allowed him to make New York a test-bed for reform. It has also, some say, demonstrated the dangers of letting a mayor's power go unchecked.
彭博1月17日在紐約市情咨文中給出了答案。接掌學(xué)校后，他就可直接對學(xué)校負(fù)責(zé)，對機(jī)構(gòu)進(jìn)行精簡，并讓紐約成為改革的試驗(yàn)田。有人說，讓一位市長無拘無束的行使權(quán)力也存在一定的危險(xiǎn)。
As Mr Bloomberg campaigned for mayor in 2001, it was clear that New York's school board was failing its 1.1m students. The board, removed from the city's budget process, had little control over school finances. The consequences were dire. Many high schools were losing more than half their students before graduation. Mr Bloomberg promised change.
2001年彭博競選市長時(shí)，紐約的教育委員會顯然辜負(fù)了110萬學(xué)生的期望。教育委員會由于無法參與擬定紐約財(cái)政預(yù)算，因此對學(xué)校大部分財(cái)政權(quán)都鞭長莫及，結(jié)果也就不堪設(shè)想了。許多學(xué)校的學(xué)生有一半以上在畢業(yè)前就輟學(xué)。彭博會改變這一現(xiàn)狀。
With the central school-board disbanded[1], the mayor got to work. He appointed as his education “chancellor” Joel Klein, a former top trust-buster at the federal Department of Justice. Together, they dissolved the city's 32 school districts and replaced them with ten regions. They chose a uniform curriculum for reading, writing and maths. And they began to close large high schools and open small ones in their place. Mr Bloomberg set up 15 small high schools in 2002, and got money from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation in 2003 to help open 169 more.
隨著中央學(xué)區(qū)教育委員會的解散，彭博的改革也開始了。他任命聯(lián)邦司法部前高反托拉斯官員約爾•克萊因?yàn)槠浣逃按蟪肌薄Ｋ麄兟?lián)手將紐約32個(gè)學(xué)區(qū)重新劃分為10個(gè)區(qū)域，為閱讀、寫作和數(shù)學(xué)選定了統(tǒng)一課程，然后關(guān)閉大型的中學(xué)并在原址建立小型中學(xué)。2002年，彭博建了15所小型中學(xué)。2003年，他從比爾-梅林達(dá)•蓋茨基金會那里拿到一筆資金后又建了169所小型中學(xué)。
Two years after seizing control, Messrs Bloomberg and Klein began a push to give more power to certain schools. Management scholars such as William Ouchi, of the University of California, Los Angeles, argued that decentralisation had saved American businesses; it could save schools too. In 2004, New York began opening schools where principals have more control over everything from budgets to staffing. If a principal does not meet the mayor's targets, he can be fired. Last spring, 322 principals, a fifth of the total, joined this “empowerment” programme.
接掌學(xué)?？刂茩?quán)兩年后，彭博和克萊因開始設(shè)法下放更多權(quán)力給某些學(xué)校。加州大學(xué)洛杉磯分校的威廉•奧奇等管理學(xué)學(xué)者認(rèn)為，權(quán)力下放曾經(jīng)拯救過美國企業(yè)，它也能拯救學(xué)校。2004年，紐約開辦了一些學(xué)校，在這些學(xué)校，校長擁有了更多控制權(quán)，從編制預(yù)算到安置人員都無所不包。哪個(gè)校長如果達(dá)不到市長的目標(biāo)就得走人。去年春天，322長（占總數(shù)1/5）被納入了這一“放權(quán)”計(jì)劃。
Many parents, teachers and experts—not to mention the mayor—say the reforms are a triumph. Last year Mr Bloomberg's first crop of small high-schools had a graduation rate of 78%, compared with 58% city-wide. The empowerment schools have also shown signs of success, with better rates of attendance and grades.
不要說彭博，就是多數(shù)家長、教師和專家也都認(rèn)為改革是成功的。去年，彭博建立的第一批小型中學(xué)畢業(yè)率達(dá)到78%，而全紐約僅為58%。加入“放權(quán)”計(jì)劃的學(xué)校也有了進(jìn)步表現(xiàn)，到課率和成績都有提高。
（3）But some who favoured mayoral control in 2002 now complain that Mr Bloomberg is a dictator, hastily imposing plans after little public input. The uniform curriculum for reading and maths was poorly chosen, argues Diane Ravitch, a professor at New York University. Randi Weingarten, head of the teachers' union, describes teachers using egg-timers to try to follow rigid lesson plans. The effect of the uniform curriculum is unclear. Elementary school students have performed well in some local tests, but their scores in national exams have hardly budged.
但是，有些在2002年擁護(hù)“市長控制”的人現(xiàn)在開始抱怨彭博是一個(gè)專權(quán)者，認(rèn)為他在公眾反應(yīng)還極為有就輕率地強(qiáng)制推行其計(jì)劃。紐約大學(xué)教授戴安•拉維奇指出，閱讀和數(shù)學(xué)的統(tǒng)一課程安排得很差勁。教師聯(lián)合工會負(fù)責(zé)人蘭蒂•維恩加爾滕則說，老師們?yōu)榱烁峡量痰慕虒W(xué)進(jìn)度差不多連煮蛋計(jì)時(shí)器都用上了。統(tǒng)一課程效果到底怎樣目前還不好說。小學(xué)生在地方一些考試中成績很好，但在全國考試中的成績差不多還是老樣子。
Mr Bloomberg's small-schools initiative has also drawn criticism. When the mayor closed big schools to open small ones, many displaced students simply crammed into other schools nearby. （4）David Bloomfield, a professor at Brooklyn College, argues that although the small schools are promising, the rush to open them has placed too great a strain on larger schools, where most students are still enrolled. One Brooklyn high school has as many as 46 teenagers to a class.
彭博建立小型中學(xué)的做法也遭到了非議。他關(guān)閉大型學(xué)校、開辦小型學(xué)校之后，許多需要轉(zhuǎn)移的學(xué)生都被硬塞到附近其它學(xué)校。布魯克林學(xué)院教授大衛(wèi)•布魯姆菲爾德認(rèn)為，雖然這些小型學(xué)校很有發(fā)展前途，但開辦速度過快已經(jīng)給一些仍然擁有大量在校生的大型學(xué)校帶來了太大的壓力。布魯克林有一所中學(xué)一個(gè)班級的學(xué)生竟多達(dá) 46人。（譯者按：46人，這在中國恐怕算少的了吧？據(jù)本人所知，中國的中學(xué)一個(gè)班級有60人都不足為奇。招生指標(biāo)也許就三、四十人，人多是因?yàn)槎嗔耸裁醇Y生、關(guān)系生等等，反正有錢即可。教育制度？在唯利是圖的學(xué)校當(dāng)權(quán)者看來，那是扯淡。中美教育之差距由此也許可見一斑吧。）
Yet the mayor, when faced with complaints, has usually forged ahead. He proved particularly autocratic in 2004, when he announced a plan to keep failing students from advancing to the next grade. A similar scheme in the 1980s did not raise achievement levels and was deemed a failure. But when members of Mr Bloomberg's advisory board opposed the policy, he sacked[2] them. Mr Klein argues that critics' inability to block change is a good thing. City schools, he says, need “bold, tough leadership”. In his state-of-the-city address, the mayor announced yet more reforms, tackling everything from teacher tenure to funding. He plans to disband his ten regions, and give principals even greater autonomy by letting them choose between different methods of support.
即便抱怨聲不斷，彭博仍舊一往無前。 2004年，他表現(xiàn)得尤為專制，在那年他宣布了一項(xiàng)計(jì)劃，要把那些成績不合格的學(xué)生留級。上世紀(jì)八十年代也有一個(gè)類似的計(jì)劃，但并未提高學(xué)生成績，被認(rèn)為是失敗之舉。但是，彭博顧問委員會中反對這項(xiàng)政策的人都被他一一解雇。克萊恩認(rèn)為，持批評意見的人無力阻止改革是件好事。他說，城市學(xué)校需要“大膽、堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)”。在市情咨文中，這位市長還公布了更多的改革方案，涉及教師任期、財(cái)政撥款等各個(gè)問題。他還計(jì)劃撤去他劃定的10個(gè)區(qū)域，并賦予各校長更大的自治權(quán)，允許他們采取不同的辦學(xué)支撐方式。
Education scholars generally agree that mayors can help failing districts, but they are starting to utter warnings. （5）Last summer the editors of the Harvard Educational Review warned that mayoral control can reduce parents' influence on schools. And they pointed to Mr Bloomberg's aggressive style as an example of what not to do. All this must be weighed up by the New York state legislature in 2009, when mayoral control is up for renewal—or scrapping[3].
教育學(xué)者普遍認(rèn)為市長們是可以幫助落后學(xué)區(qū)的，但他們也開始提出忠告。去年夏，《哈佛教育評論》編輯提醒說“市長控制”有可能削弱家長對學(xué)校的影響力，并將矛頭直指彭博的激進(jìn)風(fēng)格，認(rèn)為他是“什么都是自己說了算”的典范。一切是好是壞，到2009年紐約州議會自會有所評說，市長控制是繼續(xù)還是廢止到時(shí)當(dāng)有定論。
[NOTES](OXFORD)
1. disband v. [I, Tn] (cause sth to) stop operating as an organization; break up （使組織、機(jī)構(gòu)等）解散, 散伙, 解體: The regiment disbanded when the war was over. 戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束後, 這個(gè)團(tuán)就解散了. * disband a club, society, etc 解散俱樂部、社團(tuán)等.
2. sack v. [Tn] (infml 口 esp Brit) dismiss (sb) from a job; fire 解雇（某人）: be sacked for incompetence 因能力不夠而被解雇.
3. scrap v. (-pp-) [Tn] throw away (sth useless or worn-out) 拋棄, 拋掉（無用的或用壞的東西）: scrap a car, ship, bicycle, etc 遺棄報(bào)廢的汽車、船、自行車等 * (fig 比喻) Lack of cash forced us to scrap plans for a new house. 我們現(xiàn)款不足, 只好打消買新房子的念頭.
紐約教育
Teach us, Mr Mayor
教教我們吧，市長先生（陳繼龍 譯）
As mayors become leaders of school reform, cities look to New York
隨著市長成為學(xué)校改革領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，各市都指望著紐約。
WHEN Adrian Fenty became mayor of Washington, DC, this month, he immediately announced a plan to take over the city's schools. He is not the first to propose such a scheme, and will not be the last. Although in most cities schools are run by an elected board, this is changing fast. Boston's mayor began the trend of “mayoral control” in 1991: it has spread to Cleveland, Chicago and a dozen other cities and counties, including Los Angeles, where it is now the subject of a court battle. But it is Michael Bloomberg, who took charge of New York's school system—the nation's largest—in 2002, who has become the paradigm of the mayor-educator.
本月阿德里安•芬蒂成為華盛頓市長后，隨即宣布了一項(xiàng)接管該市各所學(xué)校的計(jì)劃。他并不是提出這種計(jì)劃的第一人，而且也不會是后一人。盡管在大多數(shù)城市學(xué)校均由推選的教育委員會管理，但這種情況正在迅速改變。波士頓市長在 1991年就開創(chuàng)了“市長控制”的先河，現(xiàn)已擴(kuò)展到克利夫蘭、芝加哥及其它12個(gè)市縣，其中還包括洛杉磯。在洛杉磯，“市長控制”已成為法庭辯論的焦點(diǎn)。不過，“市長教育家”的楷模非紐約市長邁克爾•彭博莫屬，他于2002年掌管了規(guī)模位居美國第一的紐約教育系統(tǒng)。
（1）The sad state of city schools has never been plainer, thanks to testing required by No Child Left Behind, George Bush's 2002 education law. In 2005 51% of fourth-graders in big cities scored “below basic” on a standard reading test, compared with a national average of 38%. （2）Mayors are eager to step in, well aware that bad schools not only harm students, but drive away the middle class and make cities less competitive. But what can mayors do that school boards cannot?
布什2002年簽署了教育法令《不讓一個(gè)孩子掉隊(duì)》（No Child Left Behind），根據(jù)法令要求開展的評估結(jié)果清楚地表明，城市學(xué)?，F(xiàn)狀十分糟糕。2005年，大城市四年級學(xué)生有51%在標(biāo)準(zhǔn)閱讀測試中成績“低于基本要求”，而全國的平均水平為38%。市長們非常清楚，學(xué)校差不但會害了學(xué)生，也會導(dǎo)致中產(chǎn)階級流失而減弱城市的競爭力，因而都急于插手學(xué)校事務(wù)，可是有什么教育委員會辦不到的而市長們卻能做到的呢？
Mr Bloomberg, who gave his state-of-the-city address on January 17th, offers an answer. His power over schools has made him directly accountable for them, streamlined organisation and allowed him to make New York a test-bed for reform. It has also, some say, demonstrated the dangers of letting a mayor's power go unchecked.
彭博1月17日在紐約市情咨文中給出了答案。接掌學(xué)校后，他就可直接對學(xué)校負(fù)責(zé)，對機(jī)構(gòu)進(jìn)行精簡，并讓紐約成為改革的試驗(yàn)田。有人說，讓一位市長無拘無束的行使權(quán)力也存在一定的危險(xiǎn)。
As Mr Bloomberg campaigned for mayor in 2001, it was clear that New York's school board was failing its 1.1m students. The board, removed from the city's budget process, had little control over school finances. The consequences were dire. Many high schools were losing more than half their students before graduation. Mr Bloomberg promised change.
2001年彭博競選市長時(shí)，紐約的教育委員會顯然辜負(fù)了110萬學(xué)生的期望。教育委員會由于無法參與擬定紐約財(cái)政預(yù)算，因此對學(xué)校大部分財(cái)政權(quán)都鞭長莫及，結(jié)果也就不堪設(shè)想了。許多學(xué)校的學(xué)生有一半以上在畢業(yè)前就輟學(xué)。彭博會改變這一現(xiàn)狀。
With the central school-board disbanded[1], the mayor got to work. He appointed as his education “chancellor” Joel Klein, a former top trust-buster at the federal Department of Justice. Together, they dissolved the city's 32 school districts and replaced them with ten regions. They chose a uniform curriculum for reading, writing and maths. And they began to close large high schools and open small ones in their place. Mr Bloomberg set up 15 small high schools in 2002, and got money from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation in 2003 to help open 169 more.
隨著中央學(xué)區(qū)教育委員會的解散，彭博的改革也開始了。他任命聯(lián)邦司法部前高反托拉斯官員約爾•克萊因?yàn)槠浣逃按蟪肌薄Ｋ麄兟?lián)手將紐約32個(gè)學(xué)區(qū)重新劃分為10個(gè)區(qū)域，為閱讀、寫作和數(shù)學(xué)選定了統(tǒng)一課程，然后關(guān)閉大型的中學(xué)并在原址建立小型中學(xué)。2002年，彭博建了15所小型中學(xué)。2003年，他從比爾-梅林達(dá)•蓋茨基金會那里拿到一筆資金后又建了169所小型中學(xué)。
Two years after seizing control, Messrs Bloomberg and Klein began a push to give more power to certain schools. Management scholars such as William Ouchi, of the University of California, Los Angeles, argued that decentralisation had saved American businesses; it could save schools too. In 2004, New York began opening schools where principals have more control over everything from budgets to staffing. If a principal does not meet the mayor's targets, he can be fired. Last spring, 322 principals, a fifth of the total, joined this “empowerment” programme.
接掌學(xué)?？刂茩?quán)兩年后，彭博和克萊因開始設(shè)法下放更多權(quán)力給某些學(xué)校。加州大學(xué)洛杉磯分校的威廉•奧奇等管理學(xué)學(xué)者認(rèn)為，權(quán)力下放曾經(jīng)拯救過美國企業(yè)，它也能拯救學(xué)校。2004年，紐約開辦了一些學(xué)校，在這些學(xué)校，校長擁有了更多控制權(quán)，從編制預(yù)算到安置人員都無所不包。哪個(gè)校長如果達(dá)不到市長的目標(biāo)就得走人。去年春天，322長（占總數(shù)1/5）被納入了這一“放權(quán)”計(jì)劃。
Many parents, teachers and experts—not to mention the mayor—say the reforms are a triumph. Last year Mr Bloomberg's first crop of small high-schools had a graduation rate of 78%, compared with 58% city-wide. The empowerment schools have also shown signs of success, with better rates of attendance and grades.
不要說彭博，就是多數(shù)家長、教師和專家也都認(rèn)為改革是成功的。去年，彭博建立的第一批小型中學(xué)畢業(yè)率達(dá)到78%，而全紐約僅為58%。加入“放權(quán)”計(jì)劃的學(xué)校也有了進(jìn)步表現(xiàn)，到課率和成績都有提高。
（3）But some who favoured mayoral control in 2002 now complain that Mr Bloomberg is a dictator, hastily imposing plans after little public input. The uniform curriculum for reading and maths was poorly chosen, argues Diane Ravitch, a professor at New York University. Randi Weingarten, head of the teachers' union, describes teachers using egg-timers to try to follow rigid lesson plans. The effect of the uniform curriculum is unclear. Elementary school students have performed well in some local tests, but their scores in national exams have hardly budged.
但是，有些在2002年擁護(hù)“市長控制”的人現(xiàn)在開始抱怨彭博是一個(gè)專權(quán)者，認(rèn)為他在公眾反應(yīng)還極為有就輕率地強(qiáng)制推行其計(jì)劃。紐約大學(xué)教授戴安•拉維奇指出，閱讀和數(shù)學(xué)的統(tǒng)一課程安排得很差勁。教師聯(lián)合工會負(fù)責(zé)人蘭蒂•維恩加爾滕則說，老師們?yōu)榱烁峡量痰慕虒W(xué)進(jìn)度差不多連煮蛋計(jì)時(shí)器都用上了。統(tǒng)一課程效果到底怎樣目前還不好說。小學(xué)生在地方一些考試中成績很好，但在全國考試中的成績差不多還是老樣子。
Mr Bloomberg's small-schools initiative has also drawn criticism. When the mayor closed big schools to open small ones, many displaced students simply crammed into other schools nearby. （4）David Bloomfield, a professor at Brooklyn College, argues that although the small schools are promising, the rush to open them has placed too great a strain on larger schools, where most students are still enrolled. One Brooklyn high school has as many as 46 teenagers to a class.
彭博建立小型中學(xué)的做法也遭到了非議。他關(guān)閉大型學(xué)校、開辦小型學(xué)校之后，許多需要轉(zhuǎn)移的學(xué)生都被硬塞到附近其它學(xué)校。布魯克林學(xué)院教授大衛(wèi)•布魯姆菲爾德認(rèn)為，雖然這些小型學(xué)校很有發(fā)展前途，但開辦速度過快已經(jīng)給一些仍然擁有大量在校生的大型學(xué)校帶來了太大的壓力。布魯克林有一所中學(xué)一個(gè)班級的學(xué)生竟多達(dá) 46人。（譯者按：46人，這在中國恐怕算少的了吧？據(jù)本人所知，中國的中學(xué)一個(gè)班級有60人都不足為奇。招生指標(biāo)也許就三、四十人，人多是因?yàn)槎嗔耸裁醇Y生、關(guān)系生等等，反正有錢即可。教育制度？在唯利是圖的學(xué)校當(dāng)權(quán)者看來，那是扯淡。中美教育之差距由此也許可見一斑吧。）
Yet the mayor, when faced with complaints, has usually forged ahead. He proved particularly autocratic in 2004, when he announced a plan to keep failing students from advancing to the next grade. A similar scheme in the 1980s did not raise achievement levels and was deemed a failure. But when members of Mr Bloomberg's advisory board opposed the policy, he sacked[2] them. Mr Klein argues that critics' inability to block change is a good thing. City schools, he says, need “bold, tough leadership”. In his state-of-the-city address, the mayor announced yet more reforms, tackling everything from teacher tenure to funding. He plans to disband his ten regions, and give principals even greater autonomy by letting them choose between different methods of support.
即便抱怨聲不斷，彭博仍舊一往無前。 2004年，他表現(xiàn)得尤為專制，在那年他宣布了一項(xiàng)計(jì)劃，要把那些成績不合格的學(xué)生留級。上世紀(jì)八十年代也有一個(gè)類似的計(jì)劃，但并未提高學(xué)生成績，被認(rèn)為是失敗之舉。但是，彭博顧問委員會中反對這項(xiàng)政策的人都被他一一解雇。克萊恩認(rèn)為，持批評意見的人無力阻止改革是件好事。他說，城市學(xué)校需要“大膽、堅(jiān)強(qiáng)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)”。在市情咨文中，這位市長還公布了更多的改革方案，涉及教師任期、財(cái)政撥款等各個(gè)問題。他還計(jì)劃撤去他劃定的10個(gè)區(qū)域，并賦予各校長更大的自治權(quán)，允許他們采取不同的辦學(xué)支撐方式。
Education scholars generally agree that mayors can help failing districts, but they are starting to utter warnings. （5）Last summer the editors of the Harvard Educational Review warned that mayoral control can reduce parents' influence on schools. And they pointed to Mr Bloomberg's aggressive style as an example of what not to do. All this must be weighed up by the New York state legislature in 2009, when mayoral control is up for renewal—or scrapping[3].
教育學(xué)者普遍認(rèn)為市長們是可以幫助落后學(xué)區(qū)的，但他們也開始提出忠告。去年夏，《哈佛教育評論》編輯提醒說“市長控制”有可能削弱家長對學(xué)校的影響力，并將矛頭直指彭博的激進(jìn)風(fēng)格，認(rèn)為他是“什么都是自己說了算”的典范。一切是好是壞，到2009年紐約州議會自會有所評說，市長控制是繼續(xù)還是廢止到時(shí)當(dāng)有定論。
[NOTES](OXFORD)
1. disband v. [I, Tn] (cause sth to) stop operating as an organization; break up （使組織、機(jī)構(gòu)等）解散, 散伙, 解體: The regiment disbanded when the war was over. 戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束後, 這個(gè)團(tuán)就解散了. * disband a club, society, etc 解散俱樂部、社團(tuán)等.
2. sack v. [Tn] (infml 口 esp Brit) dismiss (sb) from a job; fire 解雇（某人）: be sacked for incompetence 因能力不夠而被解雇.
3. scrap v. (-pp-) [Tn] throw away (sth useless or worn-out) 拋棄, 拋掉（無用的或用壞的東西）: scrap a car, ship, bicycle, etc 遺棄報(bào)廢的汽車、船、自行車等 * (fig 比喻) Lack of cash forced us to scrap plans for a new house. 我們現(xiàn)款不足, 只好打消買新房子的念頭.