Winston Churchill “ THEIR FINEST HOUR ” June 18 ， 1940
Winston Churchill
“THEIR FINEST HOUR”
June 18，1940
I spoke the other day of the colossal military disas- ter which occurred when the French High Com- mand failed to withdraw the northern armies fromBelgium at a moment when they knew that the French front was decisively broken at Sedan and onthe Meuse.
This delay entailed the loss of fifteen or six- teen French divisions and threw out of action thewhole of the British Expeditionary Force.
Our army were indeed rescued by the BritishNavy from Dunkirk，but only with the loss of alltheir cannon，vehicles and modern equipment.
This loss inevitably took some weeks to repair，and in the first two of these weeks the Battle ofFrance had been lost.
Now I put all this aside.I put it on the shelffrom which the historians may select their docu- ments in order to tell their story.We have to thinkof the future and not of the past.
There are many who wish to hold an inquest upon the conduct of the government and of Parlia- ment during the years which led up to this catas-trophe.They wish to indict those who were re- sponsible for the guidance of our affairs.
This also would be a foolish and perniciousprocess.There are too many in it.Let each mansearch his conscience and search his speeches，as Ifrequently search mine.Of this I am quite sure，that if we open a quarrel between the past and thepresent we shall find that we have lost the future.
The military events which have happened inFrance during the last fortnight have not come tome with any sense of surprise； indeed，I indicateda fortnight ago as clearly as I could to the House，that the worst possibilities were open and I made itperfectly clear that whatever happened in France，it would make no difference to the resolve ofBritain and the British Empire to fight on，if neces-sary for years，and if necessary alone.
We have under arms at the present time in thisisland over 1，250，000 men.Behind these we havethe local defense volunteers，numbering 500，000，only a portion of whom，however，are armed withrifles or other firearms.
We have incorporated into our defense force amass of weapons and we expect very large addi-tions to these weapons in the near future.Inpreparation，we intend to call up，drill and train，further large numbers at once.
We also have the Dominion armies here.TheCanadians had actually landed in France，but havenow been safely withdrawn much disappointed andare here with all their artillery and equipment.These very high-class forces from the dominionswill now take part in the defense of their mothercountry.
Thus，the invasion of Great Britain at thistime would require the transport across the seas ofhostile armies on a very large scale and after theyhad been so transported，they would have to becontinually maintained with all the immense massof munitions and supplies which are required forcontinuous battle，as continuous battle it wouldbe.
Now here is where we come to the navy.Af- ter all，we have a navy； some people seem to for- get it.We must remind them.For more than thir-ty years I have been concerned in discussions aboutthe possibility of an overseas invasion and I tookthe responsibility on behalf of the Admiralty at thebeginning of the last war of allowing all the regulartroops to be sent out of the country although ourTerritorials had only just been called up and werequite untried.
It seems to me that as far as sea-borne inva-sion on a great scale is concerned，we are far morecapable of meeting it than we were at many periodsin the last war and during the early months of thiswar before our troops were trained and while theBritish Expeditionary Force was abroad.
We have also a great system of mine fields，recently reinforced，through which we alone knowthe channel.If the enemy tries to sweep a channelthrough these mine fields，it will be the task of thenavy to destroy these mine-sweepers and any otherforce employed to protect them.There ought to beno difficulty about this，owing to our superiority atsea.
Some people will ask why it was that theBritish Navy was not able to prevent the movementof a large army from Germany into Norway acrossthe Skagerrak.But conditions in the Channel andin the North Sea are in no way like those whichprevail in the Skagerrak.In the Skagerrak，be- cause of the distance，we could give no air supportto our surface ships and consequently，lying as wedid close to the enemy's main air power in Norwe-gian waters，we were compelled to use only oursubmarines.
This brings me naturally to the great questionof invasion from the air and the impending strugglebetween the British and German Air Forces.
It seems quite clear that no invasion on a scalebeyond the capacity of our ground forces to crushspeedily is likely to take place from the air untilour air force has been definitely overpowered.Inthe meantime，there may be raids by parachutetroops and attempted descents by air-borne soldiers.We ought to be able to give those gentrya warm reception，both in the air and if they reachthe ground in any condition to continue their dis- pute.（The great question is，can we break Hitler'sair weapon？）
Now，of course，it is a very great pity that wehave not got an air force at least equal to that of the most powerful enemy within reach of our shores，but we have a very powerful air force，which has proved itself far superior in quality bothin men and in many types of machines to what wehave met so far in the numerous fierce air battleswhich have been fought.
There remains the danger of the bombing at- tacks，which will certainly be made very soon uponus by the bomber forces of the enemy.It is quitetrue that these forces are superior in number toours，but we have a very large bombing force alsowhich we shall use to strike at the military targetsin Germany without intermission.
I do not at all underrate the severity of the or-deal which lies before us，but I believe that ourcountrymen will show themselves capable of stand-ing up to it and carrying on in spite of it at least aswell as any other people in the world.
It will depend upon themselves，and everyman and woman will have the chance of showingthe finest qualities of their race and of renderingthe highest service to their cause.
For all of us，whatever our sphere or station，it will be a help to remember the famous lines：He nothing common did，or mean Upon that memorable scene.
I have thought it right on this occasion to givethe House and the country some indication of thesolid，practical grounds upon which we are basingour invincible resolve to continue the war，and I can assure them that our professional advisers ofthe three services unitedly advise that we should doit，and that there are good and reasonable hopes offinal victory.
We have fully informed all the self-governingdominions and we have received from all PrimeMinisters messages couched in the most movingterms，in which they endorse our decision and de- clare themselves ready to share our fortunes andpersevere to the end.
We may now ask ourselves in what way hasour position worsened since the beginning of thewar.It is worsened by the fact that the Germanshave conquered a large part of the coast of the Al- lies in Western Europe，and many small and countrieshave beed overrun by them.This aggravates thepossibility of air attack and adds to our naval pre-occupation，but it in no way diminishes，but on thecontrary definitely increases，the power of ourlong-distance blockade.
Should military resistance come to an end inFrance—which is not yet，though it will in anycase be greatly diminished—the Germans can con-centrate their forces both military and industrial upon us.But for the reason given to the House thiswill not be easy to apply.
If invasion becomes more imminent，we havebeen relieved from the task of maintaining a largearmy in France and we have a far larger and moreefficient force here to meet it.
If Hitler can bring under despotic control theindustries of the countries he has conquered，thiswill add grestly to his already vast armament out-put.On the other hand，this will not happen im-mediately and we are now assured of immense con-tinued and increasing support in munitions of allkinds from the United States，and especially of air-planes and pilots from across the ocean.They willcome from regions beyond the reach of enemybombers.I do not see how any of these factors can oper-ate to our detriment，on balance，before the Win-ter comes，and the Winter will impose a strain up-on the Nazi regime，with half Europe writhing andstarving under its heel，which，for all their ruth-lessness，will run them very hard.
Therefore in casting up this dread balancesheet and contemplating our dangers with a disillu-sioned eye，I see great reasons for intense exertionand vigilance，but none whatever for panic or de- spair.During the first four months of the last warthe Allies experienced nothing but disaster and dis- appointment，and yet at the end their morale washigher than that of the Germans，who had movedfrom one aggressive triumph to another.
During that war we repeatedly asked ourselvesthe question，“How are we going to win？”and noone was ever able to answer it with much preci-sion，until at the end，quite suddenly and unex- pectedly，our terrible foe collapsed before us andwe were so glutted with victory that in our folly wecast it away.
We do not yet know what will happen inFrance or whether the French resistance will beprolonged both in France and in the French Empireoverseas.The French Government will be throw- ing away great opportunities and casting away theirfuture if they do not continue the war in accordancewith their treaty obligations，from which we havenot felt able to release them.
The House will have read the historic declara-tion in which.at the desire of many Frenchmenand of our own hearts，we have proclaimed ourwillingness to conclude at the darkest hour inFrench history a union of common citizenship intheir struggle.
However matters may go in France or with theFrench Government，or another French Govern-ment，we in this island and in the British Empirewill never lose our sense of comradeship with theFrench people.
If we are now called upon to endure what theyhave suffered，we shall emulate their courage，andif final victory rewards our toils they shall sharethe gain—aye，freedom shall be restored to all.We abate nothing of our just demands.Czechs，Poles，Norwegians，Dutch and Belgians，who havejoined their causes with our own，all shall be re- stored.
What General Weygand called the Battle ofFrance is over.The Battle of Britain is about tobegin.On this battle depends the survival ofChristian civilization.
Upon it depends our own British life and thelong continuity of our institutions and our empire.The whole fury and might of the enemy must verysoon be turned upon us.Hitler knows he will haveto break us in this island or lose the war.
If we can stand up to him all Europe may befreed and the life of the world may move forwardinto broad sunlit uplands； but if we fail，the wholeworld，including the United States and all that wehave known and cared for，will sink into the abyssof a new dark age made more sinister and perhapsmore prolonged by the lights of a perverted sci- ence.
Let us therefore brace ourselves to our dutyand so bear ourselves that if the British Common- wealth and Empire last for a thousand years，menwill still say“This was their finest hour.”
溫斯頓·丘吉爾
“他們最光輝的時刻”
1940年6月18日
前些時我曾經(jīng)談到這場非常的軍事災難：法軍統(tǒng)帥部在獲悉法國前線在色當和馬斯河一線肯定已經(jīng)被突破時，沒有能及時將北面的部隊從比利時撤出。
這一延誤使法軍喪失了十五六個師，而且使整個英國遠征軍完全失去作用。
我們的陸軍誠然被海軍從敦刻爾克營救出來，但已經(jīng)損失了全部的大炮、車輛和其他現(xiàn)代化裝備。這些損失不得不花好幾個星期去休整。然而休整剛剛開始兩個星期，法國就潰敗了。
這一切現(xiàn)在都不必多談了，不妨束之高閣，待歷史學家們?nèi)シ瓩n案講故事吧。我們要思考的是將來而不是過去。
有不少人希望進行一次調(diào)查，查一查在把我們導向這場悲劇的這些年里政府和國會的所作所為。他們希望起訴那些對國務負有領導責任的人。
這也是一種愚蠢有害的做法。涉及的人太多了。讓每個人去捫心自問，去反省一下自己的言論吧，就像我經(jīng)常反省自己那樣。我敢肯定，如果我們在過去和現(xiàn)在之間展開一場爭吵，我們?nèi)蘸髸l(fā)現(xiàn)，我們已經(jīng)失去了將來。
過去兩個星期里法國發(fā)生的軍事情況并未使我感到吃驚。其實兩星期以前我已經(jīng)盡可能清楚地向下院說明，最壞的可能性已見端倪。我說得非常明確，無論法國出現(xiàn)什么情況，決不會影響英國和英帝國繼續(xù)作戰(zhàn)，必要時可以長期作戰(zhàn)，必要時也可以單獨作戰(zhàn)。
眼下，本島有125萬部隊處于戰(zhàn)備狀態(tài)。此外還有地方防衛(wèi)志愿軍50萬，不過他們之中只有一部分裝備有步槍或其他火器。
我們的國防部隊已經(jīng)集中了大量的武器，不久的將來還有望獲得極大量的補充。我們正在準備立即再征集、訓練大量兵員。
我們這里還有各自治領的部隊。加拿大部隊其實已在法國登陸，他們大失所望，不過現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)安全地攜帶全部大炮和裝備撤到我們這里。這些從自治領來的高水平的部隊將參加保衛(wèi)他們的母國。
因此，現(xiàn)在想侵犯大不列顛，敵軍就必須極大規(guī)模地越海運輸部隊，而部隊運輸之后又必須持續(xù)供應持久戰(zhàn)所必需的大量軍火和給養(yǎng)，因為戰(zhàn)爭必將是持久的。
現(xiàn)在該談談海軍了。畢竟我們還有一支海軍，有些人似乎忘了，我們必須提醒他們。30多年來我一直關注著關于海上入侵的可能性的討論。上次大戰(zhàn)開始時我曾代表海軍部負責運送所有的正規(guī)部隊出國，雖然那時我們的本土防衛(wèi)隊剛剛征集，尚待考驗。
我覺得，就海上大規(guī)模入侵的問題而言，比起上次大戰(zhàn)中很多時候以及這次大戰(zhàn)中頭幾個月我們的部隊未及訓練而英國遠征軍又在國外的情況來，我們現(xiàn)在對付他們的能力要強得多。
我們還有一個大面積的水雷區(qū)，最近它又得到了加強。只有我們自己知道水雷區(qū)的航道。如果敵人試圖在水雷區(qū)清掃出一條航道，我們海軍的任務就是摧毀他們的掃雷艦以及為掃雷艦護航的其他部隊。由于我們的海上優(yōu)勢，這一點應該是沒有困難的。
有些人會問，為什么英國海軍沒能阻止一支大部隊從德國越過斯卡格拉克海峽進入挪威？應該說，英吉利海峽及北海的情況和斯卡格拉克海峽普遍存在的情況是完全不同的。在斯卡格拉克海峽，由于距離太遠。我們無法為水面艦船提供空中支援，其結果是，為了避開敵軍在挪威海面的空軍主力，我們只好被迫使用潛艇。
這就自然而然地引出空中入侵和即將到來的英德空軍之間較量的大問題。
事情似乎很清楚，在我們空軍的實力決定性地被壓倒之前，規(guī)模大到我們的地面部隊無力迅速予以粉碎的空中入侵是不大會發(fā)生的。但同時降落傘部隊的突然襲擊或空降兵的試圖降落倒是可能的。我們應該能給這些家伙以熱情的接待，無論在空中或者在他們落地并繼續(xù)頑抗的時候。
眼前，非常遺憾的當然是我們至少還沒有一支可以在我國海岸地帶與大的敵方空軍相匹敵的空軍，但是我們畢竟還是有一支強大的空軍，在人員和多種機型這兩方面的質(zhì)量上遠優(yōu)于他們遭遇的對手，這一點已在迄今為止多次的空中惡戰(zhàn)中得到證明。
此外，還有轟炸的危險。敵人的轟炸機部隊肯定很快就會轟炸我們。千真萬確，這些轟炸機部隊在數(shù)量上是超過我們的。不過我們也有一支強大的轟炸機部隊，我們將用以不間歇地打擊德國的軍事目標。
我絲毫也沒有低估我們面臨的考驗的嚴峻性，但是我相信我們的同胞們會證明他們能頂?shù)米〔⑶野僬鄄换氐貓猿窒氯ィ辽俨惠斀o世界上任何民族。
一切取決于自己，每一個男人和女人都有機會顯示自己民族的優(yōu)秀品質(zhì)，為自己的事業(yè)作出的貢獻。
對我們大家來說，無論什么身份、什么地位，記得這兩行有名的詩總是有益的：
對那令人懷念的事業(yè)，他作出了卓越的貢獻。
我想應該在這個場合向下院和全國說明，我們無比堅定的繼續(xù)作戰(zhàn)的決心是有著堅實基礎的。我敢向他們保證，我們?nèi)姷膮⒅\們一致認為我們應該打下去，我們有充分的、合理的取得最后勝利的希望。
我們已經(jīng)把一切告知所有的自治領，我們已經(jīng)收到各位總理用最感人的言辭表達的信息，他們支持我們的決定，宣布他們已經(jīng)準備好和我們共命運，并堅持到底。
現(xiàn)在我們可以自問，戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)以來我們的處境是如何每況愈下的？！那是由于德國人征服了西歐協(xié)約國的大部分海岸，許多小國被侵占，這就加大了空中攻擊的可能性，也增加了對我們海軍的牽制。但我們的海軍決沒有被削弱，相反肯定是加強了我們遠距離封鎖的能力。
如果法國的軍事抵抗告終——現(xiàn)在還沒有，雖然不管怎么說是大大減弱了——德國人就能集中其軍事力量和工業(yè)能力對付我們。不過按我向下院說過的理由，這決不是輕而易舉的。
即便入侵迫在眉睫，我們也已經(jīng)從在法國維持龐大部隊的重擔下擺脫出來，并已經(jīng)有了強大得多的兵力在本土作戰(zhàn)。
如果*能把占領國的工業(yè)專橫地控制起來，就將大大加強他原已龐大的軍需生產(chǎn)。但這也決不是一朝一夕之功。而我們現(xiàn)在則有把握從美國得到大量持續(xù)不斷而且越來越多的各種各樣武器的支援，特別是飛機和飛行員。他們越洋而來，來自敵人的轟炸機鞭長莫及的地方。
總起來說，在冬天到來之前，我看不出這些因素能起多少對我們不利的作用。而冬天會給納粹政權加重負擔，半個歐洲在他們的鐵蹄下掙扎、挨餓。不管他們何等兇殘，這一切都將使他們陷于困境。
因此在計算這張令人憂慮的資產(chǎn)負債表，并且清醒地反復思考我們的危險時，我認為有千萬條理由要竭盡全力和時刻警惕，但絕無絲毫理由驚慌失措，喪失信心。上次大戰(zhàn)的頭9個月，協(xié)約國遭遇的只有災難和失望，但最后，他們的士氣比德國人要高，盡管德國人在侵略中也曾經(jīng)一再得逞。
在那次戰(zhàn)爭中，我們曾一再問自己：“我們將如何贏得勝利？”但始終沒有誰能準確地作出答復。直到最后，兇惡的敵人突如其來、出人意料地在我們面前崩潰了?？上覀儽粍倮麤_昏頭腦，以致干了蠢事，又把勝利的果實丟了。
我們還不知道法國會出現(xiàn)什么情況，法國人的抵抗還能不能在法國和她的海外帝國繼續(xù)下去。法國政府如果不按照條約的義務繼續(xù)打下去——我們認為還不能免除他們的這些義務——那么他們必將喪失大好時機，葬送他們的前途。
下院將會看到一個歷史性的聲明，按許多法國人和我們自己內(nèi)心的愿望，我們宣布了愿意在法蘭西歷最黑暗的時刻和他們結成一個在共同斗爭中互通國籍的同盟。
不論法國、法國現(xiàn)政府或者別的法國政府何去何從，我們英國和英帝國永遠不會舍棄和法國人民的同志之誼。
如果現(xiàn)在要我們?nèi)コ惺芩麄兯墒苓^的苦難，我們將會學習他們的勇敢。如果我們的艱辛贏得最后勝利，他們將分享勝利的果實——當然，大家都將重獲自由。我們決不降低我們的正義要求，捷克人、波蘭人、挪威人、荷蘭人、比利時人，凡是把他們的事業(yè)和我們的事業(yè)融為一體的，都將重獲自由。
魏剛將軍所說的法蘭西之戰(zhàn)已告終結，不列顛之戰(zhàn)即將揭幕?；浇涛拿鞯纳来嫱鲈诖艘粦?zhàn)。
我們英國人、我們的制度和我們的帝國的存亡續(xù)絕也都在此一戰(zhàn)。敵人全部的兇狂和強暴很快就會轉(zhuǎn)向我們。*懂得，必須把我們粉碎在這個島上，否則他就輸了這場戰(zhàn)爭。
如果我們能頂?shù)米?，全歐洲都將獲得解放，全世界的人民就能進入一個陽光普照的遼闊高地。但是，如果我們失敗了，全世界，包括美國和所有我們熟悉和關懷的國家，都將墮入一個新的黑暗時代的深淵、一個由某種扭曲了的科學所造成的更加兇險或者可能更加漫長的黑暗時代的深淵。
那么就讓我們振作精神，承擔起自己的責任來，讓我們干出名堂來——倘若英聯(lián)邦和英帝國再生存一千年，到那時人們還會說“這是他們最光輝的時刻”。
Winston Churchill
“THEIR FINEST HOUR”
June 18，1940
I spoke the other day of the colossal military disas- ter which occurred when the French High Com- mand failed to withdraw the northern armies fromBelgium at a moment when they knew that the French front was decisively broken at Sedan and onthe Meuse.
This delay entailed the loss of fifteen or six- teen French divisions and threw out of action thewhole of the British Expeditionary Force.
Our army were indeed rescued by the BritishNavy from Dunkirk，but only with the loss of alltheir cannon，vehicles and modern equipment.
This loss inevitably took some weeks to repair，and in the first two of these weeks the Battle ofFrance had been lost.
Now I put all this aside.I put it on the shelffrom which the historians may select their docu- ments in order to tell their story.We have to thinkof the future and not of the past.
There are many who wish to hold an inquest upon the conduct of the government and of Parlia- ment during the years which led up to this catas-trophe.They wish to indict those who were re- sponsible for the guidance of our affairs.
This also would be a foolish and perniciousprocess.There are too many in it.Let each mansearch his conscience and search his speeches，as Ifrequently search mine.Of this I am quite sure，that if we open a quarrel between the past and thepresent we shall find that we have lost the future.
The military events which have happened inFrance during the last fortnight have not come tome with any sense of surprise； indeed，I indicateda fortnight ago as clearly as I could to the House，that the worst possibilities were open and I made itperfectly clear that whatever happened in France，it would make no difference to the resolve ofBritain and the British Empire to fight on，if neces-sary for years，and if necessary alone.
We have under arms at the present time in thisisland over 1，250，000 men.Behind these we havethe local defense volunteers，numbering 500，000，only a portion of whom，however，are armed withrifles or other firearms.
We have incorporated into our defense force amass of weapons and we expect very large addi-tions to these weapons in the near future.Inpreparation，we intend to call up，drill and train，further large numbers at once.
We also have the Dominion armies here.TheCanadians had actually landed in France，but havenow been safely withdrawn much disappointed andare here with all their artillery and equipment.These very high-class forces from the dominionswill now take part in the defense of their mothercountry.
Thus，the invasion of Great Britain at thistime would require the transport across the seas ofhostile armies on a very large scale and after theyhad been so transported，they would have to becontinually maintained with all the immense massof munitions and supplies which are required forcontinuous battle，as continuous battle it wouldbe.
Now here is where we come to the navy.Af- ter all，we have a navy； some people seem to for- get it.We must remind them.For more than thir-ty years I have been concerned in discussions aboutthe possibility of an overseas invasion and I tookthe responsibility on behalf of the Admiralty at thebeginning of the last war of allowing all the regulartroops to be sent out of the country although ourTerritorials had only just been called up and werequite untried.
It seems to me that as far as sea-borne inva-sion on a great scale is concerned，we are far morecapable of meeting it than we were at many periodsin the last war and during the early months of thiswar before our troops were trained and while theBritish Expeditionary Force was abroad.
We have also a great system of mine fields，recently reinforced，through which we alone knowthe channel.If the enemy tries to sweep a channelthrough these mine fields，it will be the task of thenavy to destroy these mine-sweepers and any otherforce employed to protect them.There ought to beno difficulty about this，owing to our superiority atsea.
Some people will ask why it was that theBritish Navy was not able to prevent the movementof a large army from Germany into Norway acrossthe Skagerrak.But conditions in the Channel andin the North Sea are in no way like those whichprevail in the Skagerrak.In the Skagerrak，be- cause of the distance，we could give no air supportto our surface ships and consequently，lying as wedid close to the enemy's main air power in Norwe-gian waters，we were compelled to use only oursubmarines.
This brings me naturally to the great questionof invasion from the air and the impending strugglebetween the British and German Air Forces.
It seems quite clear that no invasion on a scalebeyond the capacity of our ground forces to crushspeedily is likely to take place from the air untilour air force has been definitely overpowered.Inthe meantime，there may be raids by parachutetroops and attempted descents by air-borne soldiers.We ought to be able to give those gentrya warm reception，both in the air and if they reachthe ground in any condition to continue their dis- pute.（The great question is，can we break Hitler'sair weapon？）
Now，of course，it is a very great pity that wehave not got an air force at least equal to that of the most powerful enemy within reach of our shores，but we have a very powerful air force，which has proved itself far superior in quality bothin men and in many types of machines to what wehave met so far in the numerous fierce air battleswhich have been fought.
There remains the danger of the bombing at- tacks，which will certainly be made very soon uponus by the bomber forces of the enemy.It is quitetrue that these forces are superior in number toours，but we have a very large bombing force alsowhich we shall use to strike at the military targetsin Germany without intermission.
I do not at all underrate the severity of the or-deal which lies before us，but I believe that ourcountrymen will show themselves capable of stand-ing up to it and carrying on in spite of it at least aswell as any other people in the world.
It will depend upon themselves，and everyman and woman will have the chance of showingthe finest qualities of their race and of renderingthe highest service to their cause.
For all of us，whatever our sphere or station，it will be a help to remember the famous lines：He nothing common did，or mean Upon that memorable scene.
I have thought it right on this occasion to givethe House and the country some indication of thesolid，practical grounds upon which we are basingour invincible resolve to continue the war，and I can assure them that our professional advisers ofthe three services unitedly advise that we should doit，and that there are good and reasonable hopes offinal victory.
We have fully informed all the self-governingdominions and we have received from all PrimeMinisters messages couched in the most movingterms，in which they endorse our decision and de- clare themselves ready to share our fortunes andpersevere to the end.
We may now ask ourselves in what way hasour position worsened since the beginning of thewar.It is worsened by the fact that the Germanshave conquered a large part of the coast of the Al- lies in Western Europe，and many small and countrieshave beed overrun by them.This aggravates thepossibility of air attack and adds to our naval pre-occupation，but it in no way diminishes，but on thecontrary definitely increases，the power of ourlong-distance blockade.
Should military resistance come to an end inFrance—which is not yet，though it will in anycase be greatly diminished—the Germans can con-centrate their forces both military and industrial upon us.But for the reason given to the House thiswill not be easy to apply.
If invasion becomes more imminent，we havebeen relieved from the task of maintaining a largearmy in France and we have a far larger and moreefficient force here to meet it.
If Hitler can bring under despotic control theindustries of the countries he has conquered，thiswill add grestly to his already vast armament out-put.On the other hand，this will not happen im-mediately and we are now assured of immense con-tinued and increasing support in munitions of allkinds from the United States，and especially of air-planes and pilots from across the ocean.They willcome from regions beyond the reach of enemybombers.I do not see how any of these factors can oper-ate to our detriment，on balance，before the Win-ter comes，and the Winter will impose a strain up-on the Nazi regime，with half Europe writhing andstarving under its heel，which，for all their ruth-lessness，will run them very hard.
Therefore in casting up this dread balancesheet and contemplating our dangers with a disillu-sioned eye，I see great reasons for intense exertionand vigilance，but none whatever for panic or de- spair.During the first four months of the last warthe Allies experienced nothing but disaster and dis- appointment，and yet at the end their morale washigher than that of the Germans，who had movedfrom one aggressive triumph to another.
During that war we repeatedly asked ourselvesthe question，“How are we going to win？”and noone was ever able to answer it with much preci-sion，until at the end，quite suddenly and unex- pectedly，our terrible foe collapsed before us andwe were so glutted with victory that in our folly wecast it away.
We do not yet know what will happen inFrance or whether the French resistance will beprolonged both in France and in the French Empireoverseas.The French Government will be throw- ing away great opportunities and casting away theirfuture if they do not continue the war in accordancewith their treaty obligations，from which we havenot felt able to release them.
The House will have read the historic declara-tion in which.at the desire of many Frenchmenand of our own hearts，we have proclaimed ourwillingness to conclude at the darkest hour inFrench history a union of common citizenship intheir struggle.
However matters may go in France or with theFrench Government，or another French Govern-ment，we in this island and in the British Empirewill never lose our sense of comradeship with theFrench people.
If we are now called upon to endure what theyhave suffered，we shall emulate their courage，andif final victory rewards our toils they shall sharethe gain—aye，freedom shall be restored to all.We abate nothing of our just demands.Czechs，Poles，Norwegians，Dutch and Belgians，who havejoined their causes with our own，all shall be re- stored.
What General Weygand called the Battle ofFrance is over.The Battle of Britain is about tobegin.On this battle depends the survival ofChristian civilization.
Upon it depends our own British life and thelong continuity of our institutions and our empire.The whole fury and might of the enemy must verysoon be turned upon us.Hitler knows he will haveto break us in this island or lose the war.
If we can stand up to him all Europe may befreed and the life of the world may move forwardinto broad sunlit uplands； but if we fail，the wholeworld，including the United States and all that wehave known and cared for，will sink into the abyssof a new dark age made more sinister and perhapsmore prolonged by the lights of a perverted sci- ence.
Let us therefore brace ourselves to our dutyand so bear ourselves that if the British Common- wealth and Empire last for a thousand years，menwill still say“This was their finest hour.”
溫斯頓·丘吉爾
“他們最光輝的時刻”
1940年6月18日
前些時我曾經(jīng)談到這場非常的軍事災難：法軍統(tǒng)帥部在獲悉法國前線在色當和馬斯河一線肯定已經(jīng)被突破時，沒有能及時將北面的部隊從比利時撤出。
這一延誤使法軍喪失了十五六個師，而且使整個英國遠征軍完全失去作用。
我們的陸軍誠然被海軍從敦刻爾克營救出來，但已經(jīng)損失了全部的大炮、車輛和其他現(xiàn)代化裝備。這些損失不得不花好幾個星期去休整。然而休整剛剛開始兩個星期，法國就潰敗了。
這一切現(xiàn)在都不必多談了，不妨束之高閣，待歷史學家們?nèi)シ瓩n案講故事吧。我們要思考的是將來而不是過去。
有不少人希望進行一次調(diào)查，查一查在把我們導向這場悲劇的這些年里政府和國會的所作所為。他們希望起訴那些對國務負有領導責任的人。
這也是一種愚蠢有害的做法。涉及的人太多了。讓每個人去捫心自問，去反省一下自己的言論吧，就像我經(jīng)常反省自己那樣。我敢肯定，如果我們在過去和現(xiàn)在之間展開一場爭吵，我們?nèi)蘸髸l(fā)現(xiàn)，我們已經(jīng)失去了將來。
過去兩個星期里法國發(fā)生的軍事情況并未使我感到吃驚。其實兩星期以前我已經(jīng)盡可能清楚地向下院說明，最壞的可能性已見端倪。我說得非常明確，無論法國出現(xiàn)什么情況，決不會影響英國和英帝國繼續(xù)作戰(zhàn)，必要時可以長期作戰(zhàn)，必要時也可以單獨作戰(zhàn)。
眼下，本島有125萬部隊處于戰(zhàn)備狀態(tài)。此外還有地方防衛(wèi)志愿軍50萬，不過他們之中只有一部分裝備有步槍或其他火器。
我們的國防部隊已經(jīng)集中了大量的武器，不久的將來還有望獲得極大量的補充。我們正在準備立即再征集、訓練大量兵員。
我們這里還有各自治領的部隊。加拿大部隊其實已在法國登陸，他們大失所望，不過現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)安全地攜帶全部大炮和裝備撤到我們這里。這些從自治領來的高水平的部隊將參加保衛(wèi)他們的母國。
因此，現(xiàn)在想侵犯大不列顛，敵軍就必須極大規(guī)模地越海運輸部隊，而部隊運輸之后又必須持續(xù)供應持久戰(zhàn)所必需的大量軍火和給養(yǎng)，因為戰(zhàn)爭必將是持久的。
現(xiàn)在該談談海軍了。畢竟我們還有一支海軍，有些人似乎忘了，我們必須提醒他們。30多年來我一直關注著關于海上入侵的可能性的討論。上次大戰(zhàn)開始時我曾代表海軍部負責運送所有的正規(guī)部隊出國，雖然那時我們的本土防衛(wèi)隊剛剛征集，尚待考驗。
我覺得，就海上大規(guī)模入侵的問題而言，比起上次大戰(zhàn)中很多時候以及這次大戰(zhàn)中頭幾個月我們的部隊未及訓練而英國遠征軍又在國外的情況來，我們現(xiàn)在對付他們的能力要強得多。
我們還有一個大面積的水雷區(qū)，最近它又得到了加強。只有我們自己知道水雷區(qū)的航道。如果敵人試圖在水雷區(qū)清掃出一條航道，我們海軍的任務就是摧毀他們的掃雷艦以及為掃雷艦護航的其他部隊。由于我們的海上優(yōu)勢，這一點應該是沒有困難的。
有些人會問，為什么英國海軍沒能阻止一支大部隊從德國越過斯卡格拉克海峽進入挪威？應該說，英吉利海峽及北海的情況和斯卡格拉克海峽普遍存在的情況是完全不同的。在斯卡格拉克海峽，由于距離太遠。我們無法為水面艦船提供空中支援，其結果是，為了避開敵軍在挪威海面的空軍主力，我們只好被迫使用潛艇。
這就自然而然地引出空中入侵和即將到來的英德空軍之間較量的大問題。
事情似乎很清楚，在我們空軍的實力決定性地被壓倒之前，規(guī)模大到我們的地面部隊無力迅速予以粉碎的空中入侵是不大會發(fā)生的。但同時降落傘部隊的突然襲擊或空降兵的試圖降落倒是可能的。我們應該能給這些家伙以熱情的接待，無論在空中或者在他們落地并繼續(xù)頑抗的時候。
眼前，非常遺憾的當然是我們至少還沒有一支可以在我國海岸地帶與大的敵方空軍相匹敵的空軍，但是我們畢竟還是有一支強大的空軍，在人員和多種機型這兩方面的質(zhì)量上遠優(yōu)于他們遭遇的對手，這一點已在迄今為止多次的空中惡戰(zhàn)中得到證明。
此外，還有轟炸的危險。敵人的轟炸機部隊肯定很快就會轟炸我們。千真萬確，這些轟炸機部隊在數(shù)量上是超過我們的。不過我們也有一支強大的轟炸機部隊，我們將用以不間歇地打擊德國的軍事目標。
我絲毫也沒有低估我們面臨的考驗的嚴峻性，但是我相信我們的同胞們會證明他們能頂?shù)米〔⑶野僬鄄换氐貓猿窒氯ィ辽俨惠斀o世界上任何民族。
一切取決于自己，每一個男人和女人都有機會顯示自己民族的優(yōu)秀品質(zhì)，為自己的事業(yè)作出的貢獻。
對我們大家來說，無論什么身份、什么地位，記得這兩行有名的詩總是有益的：
對那令人懷念的事業(yè)，他作出了卓越的貢獻。
我想應該在這個場合向下院和全國說明，我們無比堅定的繼續(xù)作戰(zhàn)的決心是有著堅實基礎的。我敢向他們保證，我們?nèi)姷膮⒅\們一致認為我們應該打下去，我們有充分的、合理的取得最后勝利的希望。
我們已經(jīng)把一切告知所有的自治領，我們已經(jīng)收到各位總理用最感人的言辭表達的信息，他們支持我們的決定，宣布他們已經(jīng)準備好和我們共命運，并堅持到底。
現(xiàn)在我們可以自問，戰(zhàn)爭爆發(fā)以來我們的處境是如何每況愈下的？！那是由于德國人征服了西歐協(xié)約國的大部分海岸，許多小國被侵占，這就加大了空中攻擊的可能性，也增加了對我們海軍的牽制。但我們的海軍決沒有被削弱，相反肯定是加強了我們遠距離封鎖的能力。
如果法國的軍事抵抗告終——現(xiàn)在還沒有，雖然不管怎么說是大大減弱了——德國人就能集中其軍事力量和工業(yè)能力對付我們。不過按我向下院說過的理由，這決不是輕而易舉的。
即便入侵迫在眉睫，我們也已經(jīng)從在法國維持龐大部隊的重擔下擺脫出來，并已經(jīng)有了強大得多的兵力在本土作戰(zhàn)。
如果*能把占領國的工業(yè)專橫地控制起來，就將大大加強他原已龐大的軍需生產(chǎn)。但這也決不是一朝一夕之功。而我們現(xiàn)在則有把握從美國得到大量持續(xù)不斷而且越來越多的各種各樣武器的支援，特別是飛機和飛行員。他們越洋而來，來自敵人的轟炸機鞭長莫及的地方。
總起來說，在冬天到來之前，我看不出這些因素能起多少對我們不利的作用。而冬天會給納粹政權加重負擔，半個歐洲在他們的鐵蹄下掙扎、挨餓。不管他們何等兇殘，這一切都將使他們陷于困境。
因此在計算這張令人憂慮的資產(chǎn)負債表，并且清醒地反復思考我們的危險時，我認為有千萬條理由要竭盡全力和時刻警惕，但絕無絲毫理由驚慌失措，喪失信心。上次大戰(zhàn)的頭9個月，協(xié)約國遭遇的只有災難和失望，但最后，他們的士氣比德國人要高，盡管德國人在侵略中也曾經(jīng)一再得逞。
在那次戰(zhàn)爭中，我們曾一再問自己：“我們將如何贏得勝利？”但始終沒有誰能準確地作出答復。直到最后，兇惡的敵人突如其來、出人意料地在我們面前崩潰了?？上覀儽粍倮麤_昏頭腦，以致干了蠢事，又把勝利的果實丟了。
我們還不知道法國會出現(xiàn)什么情況，法國人的抵抗還能不能在法國和她的海外帝國繼續(xù)下去。法國政府如果不按照條約的義務繼續(xù)打下去——我們認為還不能免除他們的這些義務——那么他們必將喪失大好時機，葬送他們的前途。
下院將會看到一個歷史性的聲明，按許多法國人和我們自己內(nèi)心的愿望，我們宣布了愿意在法蘭西歷最黑暗的時刻和他們結成一個在共同斗爭中互通國籍的同盟。
不論法國、法國現(xiàn)政府或者別的法國政府何去何從，我們英國和英帝國永遠不會舍棄和法國人民的同志之誼。
如果現(xiàn)在要我們?nèi)コ惺芩麄兯墒苓^的苦難，我們將會學習他們的勇敢。如果我們的艱辛贏得最后勝利，他們將分享勝利的果實——當然，大家都將重獲自由。我們決不降低我們的正義要求，捷克人、波蘭人、挪威人、荷蘭人、比利時人，凡是把他們的事業(yè)和我們的事業(yè)融為一體的，都將重獲自由。
魏剛將軍所說的法蘭西之戰(zhàn)已告終結，不列顛之戰(zhàn)即將揭幕?；浇涛拿鞯纳来嫱鲈诖艘粦?zhàn)。
我們英國人、我們的制度和我們的帝國的存亡續(xù)絕也都在此一戰(zhàn)。敵人全部的兇狂和強暴很快就會轉(zhuǎn)向我們。*懂得，必須把我們粉碎在這個島上，否則他就輸了這場戰(zhàn)爭。
如果我們能頂?shù)米?，全歐洲都將獲得解放，全世界的人民就能進入一個陽光普照的遼闊高地。但是，如果我們失敗了，全世界，包括美國和所有我們熟悉和關懷的國家，都將墮入一個新的黑暗時代的深淵、一個由某種扭曲了的科學所造成的更加兇險或者可能更加漫長的黑暗時代的深淵。
那么就讓我們振作精神，承擔起自己的責任來，讓我們干出名堂來——倘若英聯(lián)邦和英帝國再生存一千年，到那時人們還會說“這是他們最光輝的時刻”。