Arthur James Balfour
THE FOURTH OF JULY
July4，1917
On this anniversary in every part of the worldAmerican citizens meet together and renew，as itwere，their vows of devotion to the great idealswhich have animated them.All the world admires，and all the world sympathizes with the vast workof the great American Republic.All the worldlooks back upon the one hundred forty－one yearswhich have elapsed since the Declaration of Inde－pendence and sees in that one hundred forty－oneyears an expansion in the way of population，in theway of wealth and of power，material and spiritu-al，which is unexampled in that period，and，as faras I know，in the history of the world.
We of the British race，who do not fall shortof the rest of the world in our admiration in thismighty work，look at it in some respects in a dif- ferent way，and must look at it in a different way，from that of other people.From one point of viewwe have surely a right to look at it with a special satisfaction，a satisfaction born of the fact that，after all，the thirteen colonies were Britishcolonies；that the thirteen colonies，in spite ofsmall controversies，grew up broadly speaking，under the protection of England；that it was ourwars，the English wars with Spain in the sixteenthcentury，with Holland in the seventeent century，and with France in the eighteenth century，whichgave that security from external European attackwhich enabled those thirteen colonies to developinto the nucleus of the great community of whichthey were the origin.
We British may also surely，without unduevanity，pride ourselves on the fact that the menwho founded the great American Republic，themen whose genius contrived its constitution，theirforefathers who，struggling in the wilderness，gradually developed the basis of all that has hap－pened since，were men speaking the English lan- guage，obeying and believing in English laws，andnourished upon English literature；and althoughwe may say that the originality and power and en-durance were theirs，they were men of our ownrace，born of the same stock，and to that extent asleast we may feel that we have some small and notinsignificant part in the great development whichthe world owes to their genius，courage，and loveof liberty.
In that sense we may well look with peculiarpride and satisfaction upon this great anniversary.There is，of course，another side to the question.The Fourth of July is the anniversary of the sepa－ration，the final political separation—not，thankGod，the final separation in sentiment，in emo－tion，or in ideal—but the final separation betweenthe thirteen colonies and the Mother Country.Weof the Mother Country cannot look back on thatevent as representing one of our successes.Nodoubt there was something to be said，though per-haps it is not often said，for those on this side ofthe Atlantic who fought for unity，who desired topreserve the unity of the Empire.Unity is a causefor which the American people have sacrificedrivers of blood and infinite treasure.
I am not going into ancient history，but themistake we made，an almost inevitable mistake atthat particular period of the development of thehistory of the world，was in supposing that unitywas possible so long as one part of the Empirewhich you tried to unite，speaking the same lan- guage，having the same traditions and laws，hav- ing the same love of liberty and the same ideals，would consent to remain a part of the Empire ex－cept on absolutely equal terms.That was a pro- found mistake，a mistake which produced a greatschism and produced all the collateral，though I amglad to think subordinate，evils which followed onthat great schism.
All I can say in excuse for my forefathers isthat，utterly defective as the colonial policy ofGreat Britain in the middle of the eighteenth centu－ry undoubtedly was，it was far better than thecolonial policy of any other coutry.Imperfectly aswe conceived the kind of relations that might，orcould，bind the colonies to their Mother Country，thoroughly as we misconceived tnem，we miscon－ceived them less than most of our neighbors.
If I rightly read the sings of the times，a truerperspective and a more charitable perspective isnow recognized and felt by all the heirs of these sadand ancient glories.Heaven knows Ido not grudgethe glories of Washington and his brother soldiers.I do not shed tears over the British defeat whichended in the triumphant establishment of theAmerican Republic.I do not express any regretson that subject.My only regrets are that the mem- ories of it should carry with them the smallesttrace of bitterness on our side.I do not know whythere should be.I think it may properly carrymemories of triumph on your side，but it should bea triumph seen in its true perspective，and by thistrue perspective seen in such a way that it does notinterfere with the continuity of history in the de－velopment of free institutions，and with the con－sciousness of common kinship and common ideals，and the considerations which ought to bind us to－gether，and which have bound us together，andwhich year by year，generation by generation，andcentury by century are going to bind us still closerin the future.
阿瑟·詹姆斯·貝爾福
七月四日
1917年7月4日
在今天這個(gè)周年紀(jì)念日，世界各地的美國(guó)公民聚在一起，可以說(shuō)是再一次宣誓忠實(shí)于曾激勵(lì)過(guò)他們的偉大理想。全世界都在贊美，在感受偉大的美利堅(jiān)共和國(guó)的巨大成就。全世界都在回顧自獨(dú)立宣言以來(lái)所經(jīng)歷的一百四十一年，看到了那一百四十一年里人口方面、財(cái)富方面、物質(zhì)力量和精神力量方面的大發(fā)展。這種發(fā)展在那個(gè)時(shí)代是的，并且據(jù)我所知，在世界歷也是沒(méi)有先例的。
我們不列顛民族對(duì)這個(gè)非凡成就的欽佩并不亞于世界其他民族，但是對(duì)這個(gè)成就的看法在某些方面與別國(guó)人民是不同的，而且必然是不同的。從某種角度看，我們確實(shí)有權(quán)利對(duì)這個(gè)成就感到特殊的滿(mǎn)意，這種滿(mǎn)意產(chǎn)生于下列事實(shí)：那十三個(gè)州畢竟曾是英國(guó)的殖民地；十三個(gè)州，盡管小有爭(zhēng)議，廣義上講是在英國(guó)的保護(hù)下發(fā)展起來(lái)的；十三個(gè)州是由于我們英國(guó)同別國(guó)的交戰(zhàn)——16世紀(jì)與西班牙的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、17世紀(jì)與荷蘭的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、18世紀(jì)與法國(guó)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)——才得以免遭來(lái)自歐洲的侵襲，并且由這個(gè)偉大社會(huì)的發(fā)源地發(fā)展成為它的核心。
我們英國(guó)確實(shí)還可以并非得意揚(yáng)揚(yáng)地因以下事實(shí)而自豪：建立偉大的美利堅(jiān)共和國(guó)的人們，以他們的天賦創(chuàng)造出共和國(guó)憲法的人們和他們那些在荒野里奮斗，逐漸為后來(lái)所產(chǎn)生的一切打好基礎(chǔ)的祖先們，都是些說(shuō)英語(yǔ)，服從并信奉英國(guó)法律，受到英國(guó)文學(xué)滋養(yǎng)的人們。雖然我們可以說(shuō)這創(chuàng)造力、這才能和忍耐力是他們自己的，但是他們畢竟是我們這個(gè)民族的人，出自同一個(gè)祖先，我們至少可以感到，在這個(gè)偉大的發(fā)展中——全世界把這歸功于他們的天賦、膽略和熱愛(ài)自由——也有我們小小的、并非無(wú)關(guān)緊要的一部分。
從這個(gè)意義上，我們可以有理由特別自豪、特別滿(mǎn)意地看待這個(gè)偉大的周年紀(jì)念日。當(dāng)然，問(wèn)題還有另外一面。七月四日是分離的周年紀(jì)念日，最后的政治上的分離——感謝上帝不是最后的感情上或者理想上的分離——而是十三州和母國(guó)之間的最后分離。我們母國(guó)不能回頭把那個(gè)分離看作我們的一個(gè)具有代表性的成就。無(wú)疑，早就該為那些為了統(tǒng)一而戰(zhàn)斗和那些期望維護(hù)帝國(guó)統(tǒng)一的大西洋這一邊的人說(shuō)幾句話(huà)，盡管這些話(huà)現(xiàn)在可能并不常說(shuō)。而統(tǒng)一正是美國(guó)人民為之曾經(jīng)血流成河并獻(xiàn)出無(wú)數(shù)財(cái)富的事業(yè)。
我不準(zhǔn)備涉及久遠(yuǎn)的歷史，但是我們所犯的錯(cuò)誤，一個(gè)在世界歷史發(fā)展的那個(gè)特定階段幾乎不可避免的錯(cuò)誤，是以為：只要你試圖去統(tǒng)一的那個(gè)和我們說(shuō)著同樣的語(yǔ)言、擁有同樣的傳統(tǒng)和法律、擁有對(duì)自由的同樣熱愛(ài)和同樣理想的部分，同意繼續(xù)作為英帝國(guó)的一部分而不要求絕對(duì)平等的地位，大英帝國(guó)的統(tǒng)一就是可能的。那是一個(gè)極大的錯(cuò)誤，這個(gè)錯(cuò)誤產(chǎn)生了一個(gè)大分裂，產(chǎn)生了種種因大分裂而引起的伴生禍害，盡管我樂(lè)于認(rèn)為是次生禍害。
我為我的祖先所能做的全部辯解就是：就算大不列顛18世紀(jì)中葉的殖民地政策絕對(duì)有缺點(diǎn)，也比任何其他國(guó)家的殖民地政策要好得多。就算我們沒(méi)有完整地理解那些可能或能夠把殖民地與母國(guó)結(jié)合在一起的關(guān)系的本質(zhì)，甚至完全誤解了那些關(guān)系，我們的誤解也比我們的大多數(shù)鄰國(guó)要少。
如果我對(duì)時(shí)代的標(biāo)志的理解是正確的話(huà)，那么一種更合理、更寬容的觀點(diǎn)現(xiàn)在已被這些令人悲傷的古老榮譽(yù)的所有繼承人所承認(rèn)和接受。上天知道我不妒嫉華盛頓及其戰(zhàn)友的榮譽(yù)。我不為以美利堅(jiān)共和國(guó)勝利成立為結(jié)局的英國(guó)的戰(zhàn)敗流淚。我對(duì)這個(gè)問(wèn)題不表示任何遺憾。我的遺憾是這件往事將會(huì)把我們一方最細(xì)微的痛苦痕跡全留在這些繼承人的記憶之中。我不知道為什么會(huì)這樣。我想你們一方的勝利完全可以留在記憶之中，但是這個(gè)勝利應(yīng)該從其合理的視角來(lái)觀察，從這種合理的視角來(lái)觀察，就不至于妨礙在自由制度的發(fā)展中的歷史連續(xù)性，不至于妨礙共同血統(tǒng)和共同理想的意識(shí)，而這些應(yīng)當(dāng)把我們結(jié)合在一起的看法曾經(jīng)把我們結(jié)合在一起，并且在未來(lái)將一年又一年、一代又一代、一個(gè)世紀(jì)又一個(gè)世紀(jì)地把我們結(jié)合得更加緊密。
THE FOURTH OF JULY
July4，1917
On this anniversary in every part of the worldAmerican citizens meet together and renew，as itwere，their vows of devotion to the great idealswhich have animated them.All the world admires，and all the world sympathizes with the vast workof the great American Republic.All the worldlooks back upon the one hundred forty－one yearswhich have elapsed since the Declaration of Inde－pendence and sees in that one hundred forty－oneyears an expansion in the way of population，in theway of wealth and of power，material and spiritu-al，which is unexampled in that period，and，as faras I know，in the history of the world.
We of the British race，who do not fall shortof the rest of the world in our admiration in thismighty work，look at it in some respects in a dif- ferent way，and must look at it in a different way，from that of other people.From one point of viewwe have surely a right to look at it with a special satisfaction，a satisfaction born of the fact that，after all，the thirteen colonies were Britishcolonies；that the thirteen colonies，in spite ofsmall controversies，grew up broadly speaking，under the protection of England；that it was ourwars，the English wars with Spain in the sixteenthcentury，with Holland in the seventeent century，and with France in the eighteenth century，whichgave that security from external European attackwhich enabled those thirteen colonies to developinto the nucleus of the great community of whichthey were the origin.
We British may also surely，without unduevanity，pride ourselves on the fact that the menwho founded the great American Republic，themen whose genius contrived its constitution，theirforefathers who，struggling in the wilderness，gradually developed the basis of all that has hap－pened since，were men speaking the English lan- guage，obeying and believing in English laws，andnourished upon English literature；and althoughwe may say that the originality and power and en-durance were theirs，they were men of our ownrace，born of the same stock，and to that extent asleast we may feel that we have some small and notinsignificant part in the great development whichthe world owes to their genius，courage，and loveof liberty.
In that sense we may well look with peculiarpride and satisfaction upon this great anniversary.There is，of course，another side to the question.The Fourth of July is the anniversary of the sepa－ration，the final political separation—not，thankGod，the final separation in sentiment，in emo－tion，or in ideal—but the final separation betweenthe thirteen colonies and the Mother Country.Weof the Mother Country cannot look back on thatevent as representing one of our successes.Nodoubt there was something to be said，though per-haps it is not often said，for those on this side ofthe Atlantic who fought for unity，who desired topreserve the unity of the Empire.Unity is a causefor which the American people have sacrificedrivers of blood and infinite treasure.
I am not going into ancient history，but themistake we made，an almost inevitable mistake atthat particular period of the development of thehistory of the world，was in supposing that unitywas possible so long as one part of the Empirewhich you tried to unite，speaking the same lan- guage，having the same traditions and laws，hav- ing the same love of liberty and the same ideals，would consent to remain a part of the Empire ex－cept on absolutely equal terms.That was a pro- found mistake，a mistake which produced a greatschism and produced all the collateral，though I amglad to think subordinate，evils which followed onthat great schism.
All I can say in excuse for my forefathers isthat，utterly defective as the colonial policy ofGreat Britain in the middle of the eighteenth centu－ry undoubtedly was，it was far better than thecolonial policy of any other coutry.Imperfectly aswe conceived the kind of relations that might，orcould，bind the colonies to their Mother Country，thoroughly as we misconceived tnem，we miscon－ceived them less than most of our neighbors.
If I rightly read the sings of the times，a truerperspective and a more charitable perspective isnow recognized and felt by all the heirs of these sadand ancient glories.Heaven knows Ido not grudgethe glories of Washington and his brother soldiers.I do not shed tears over the British defeat whichended in the triumphant establishment of theAmerican Republic.I do not express any regretson that subject.My only regrets are that the mem- ories of it should carry with them the smallesttrace of bitterness on our side.I do not know whythere should be.I think it may properly carrymemories of triumph on your side，but it should bea triumph seen in its true perspective，and by thistrue perspective seen in such a way that it does notinterfere with the continuity of history in the de－velopment of free institutions，and with the con－sciousness of common kinship and common ideals，and the considerations which ought to bind us to－gether，and which have bound us together，andwhich year by year，generation by generation，andcentury by century are going to bind us still closerin the future.
阿瑟·詹姆斯·貝爾福
七月四日
1917年7月4日
在今天這個(gè)周年紀(jì)念日，世界各地的美國(guó)公民聚在一起，可以說(shuō)是再一次宣誓忠實(shí)于曾激勵(lì)過(guò)他們的偉大理想。全世界都在贊美，在感受偉大的美利堅(jiān)共和國(guó)的巨大成就。全世界都在回顧自獨(dú)立宣言以來(lái)所經(jīng)歷的一百四十一年，看到了那一百四十一年里人口方面、財(cái)富方面、物質(zhì)力量和精神力量方面的大發(fā)展。這種發(fā)展在那個(gè)時(shí)代是的，并且據(jù)我所知，在世界歷也是沒(méi)有先例的。
我們不列顛民族對(duì)這個(gè)非凡成就的欽佩并不亞于世界其他民族，但是對(duì)這個(gè)成就的看法在某些方面與別國(guó)人民是不同的，而且必然是不同的。從某種角度看，我們確實(shí)有權(quán)利對(duì)這個(gè)成就感到特殊的滿(mǎn)意，這種滿(mǎn)意產(chǎn)生于下列事實(shí)：那十三個(gè)州畢竟曾是英國(guó)的殖民地；十三個(gè)州，盡管小有爭(zhēng)議，廣義上講是在英國(guó)的保護(hù)下發(fā)展起來(lái)的；十三個(gè)州是由于我們英國(guó)同別國(guó)的交戰(zhàn)——16世紀(jì)與西班牙的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、17世紀(jì)與荷蘭的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、18世紀(jì)與法國(guó)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)——才得以免遭來(lái)自歐洲的侵襲，并且由這個(gè)偉大社會(huì)的發(fā)源地發(fā)展成為它的核心。
我們英國(guó)確實(shí)還可以并非得意揚(yáng)揚(yáng)地因以下事實(shí)而自豪：建立偉大的美利堅(jiān)共和國(guó)的人們，以他們的天賦創(chuàng)造出共和國(guó)憲法的人們和他們那些在荒野里奮斗，逐漸為后來(lái)所產(chǎn)生的一切打好基礎(chǔ)的祖先們，都是些說(shuō)英語(yǔ)，服從并信奉英國(guó)法律，受到英國(guó)文學(xué)滋養(yǎng)的人們。雖然我們可以說(shuō)這創(chuàng)造力、這才能和忍耐力是他們自己的，但是他們畢竟是我們這個(gè)民族的人，出自同一個(gè)祖先，我們至少可以感到，在這個(gè)偉大的發(fā)展中——全世界把這歸功于他們的天賦、膽略和熱愛(ài)自由——也有我們小小的、并非無(wú)關(guān)緊要的一部分。
從這個(gè)意義上，我們可以有理由特別自豪、特別滿(mǎn)意地看待這個(gè)偉大的周年紀(jì)念日。當(dāng)然，問(wèn)題還有另外一面。七月四日是分離的周年紀(jì)念日，最后的政治上的分離——感謝上帝不是最后的感情上或者理想上的分離——而是十三州和母國(guó)之間的最后分離。我們母國(guó)不能回頭把那個(gè)分離看作我們的一個(gè)具有代表性的成就。無(wú)疑，早就該為那些為了統(tǒng)一而戰(zhàn)斗和那些期望維護(hù)帝國(guó)統(tǒng)一的大西洋這一邊的人說(shuō)幾句話(huà)，盡管這些話(huà)現(xiàn)在可能并不常說(shuō)。而統(tǒng)一正是美國(guó)人民為之曾經(jīng)血流成河并獻(xiàn)出無(wú)數(shù)財(cái)富的事業(yè)。
我不準(zhǔn)備涉及久遠(yuǎn)的歷史，但是我們所犯的錯(cuò)誤，一個(gè)在世界歷史發(fā)展的那個(gè)特定階段幾乎不可避免的錯(cuò)誤，是以為：只要你試圖去統(tǒng)一的那個(gè)和我們說(shuō)著同樣的語(yǔ)言、擁有同樣的傳統(tǒng)和法律、擁有對(duì)自由的同樣熱愛(ài)和同樣理想的部分，同意繼續(xù)作為英帝國(guó)的一部分而不要求絕對(duì)平等的地位，大英帝國(guó)的統(tǒng)一就是可能的。那是一個(gè)極大的錯(cuò)誤，這個(gè)錯(cuò)誤產(chǎn)生了一個(gè)大分裂，產(chǎn)生了種種因大分裂而引起的伴生禍害，盡管我樂(lè)于認(rèn)為是次生禍害。
我為我的祖先所能做的全部辯解就是：就算大不列顛18世紀(jì)中葉的殖民地政策絕對(duì)有缺點(diǎn)，也比任何其他國(guó)家的殖民地政策要好得多。就算我們沒(méi)有完整地理解那些可能或能夠把殖民地與母國(guó)結(jié)合在一起的關(guān)系的本質(zhì)，甚至完全誤解了那些關(guān)系，我們的誤解也比我們的大多數(shù)鄰國(guó)要少。
如果我對(duì)時(shí)代的標(biāo)志的理解是正確的話(huà)，那么一種更合理、更寬容的觀點(diǎn)現(xiàn)在已被這些令人悲傷的古老榮譽(yù)的所有繼承人所承認(rèn)和接受。上天知道我不妒嫉華盛頓及其戰(zhàn)友的榮譽(yù)。我不為以美利堅(jiān)共和國(guó)勝利成立為結(jié)局的英國(guó)的戰(zhàn)敗流淚。我對(duì)這個(gè)問(wèn)題不表示任何遺憾。我的遺憾是這件往事將會(huì)把我們一方最細(xì)微的痛苦痕跡全留在這些繼承人的記憶之中。我不知道為什么會(huì)這樣。我想你們一方的勝利完全可以留在記憶之中，但是這個(gè)勝利應(yīng)該從其合理的視角來(lái)觀察，從這種合理的視角來(lái)觀察，就不至于妨礙在自由制度的發(fā)展中的歷史連續(xù)性，不至于妨礙共同血統(tǒng)和共同理想的意識(shí)，而這些應(yīng)當(dāng)把我們結(jié)合在一起的看法曾經(jīng)把我們結(jié)合在一起，并且在未來(lái)將一年又一年、一代又一代、一個(gè)世紀(jì)又一個(gè)世紀(jì)地把我們結(jié)合得更加緊密。