Richard Cobden
THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION ON AGRICULTURE
March 13，1845
I hold that the landed proprietors are the parties who are responsible if the laborers have not employment.You have absolute power；there is no doubt about that.You can，if you please，legislate for the laborers，or yourselves.Whatever you may have done besides，your legislation has been ad-verse to the laborer，and you have no right to call upon the farmers to remedy the evils which you have caused.Will not this evil—if evil you call it—press on you more and more every year？ What can you do to remedy the mischief？I only appear here now because you have proposed nothing.We all know your system of allotments，and we are all aware of its failure.What other remedy have you？For，mark you，that is worse than a plaything，if you were allowed to carry out your own views.Aye，it is well enough for some of you that there are wiser heads than your own to lead you，or you would be conducting yourselves into precisely the same condition in which they are in Ireland，but with this difference—this increased difficulty—that there they do manage to maintain the rights of property by the aid of the English Exchequer and20，000 bayonets；but divide your own country into small allotments，and where would be the rights of property？What do you propose to do now？That is the question.Nothing has been brought forward this year，which I have heard，having for its object to benefit the great mass of the English population；nothing I have heard suggested which has atall tended to alleviate their condition.
You admit that the farmer's capital is sinking from under him，and that he is in a worse state than ever.Have you distinctly provided some plan to give confidence to the farmer，to cause an influx of capital to be expended upon his land，and so bring increased employment to the laborer？How is this to be met？I can not believe you are going to make this a political game.You must set up some specific object to benefit the agricultural interest.It is well said that the last election was an agricultural triumph.There are two hundred county members sitting behind the prime minister who prove that it was so.
What，then，is your plan for this distressing state of things？That is what I want to ask you.Do not，as yon have done before，quarrel with me because I have imperfectly stated my case；I have done my best，and I again ask you what you have to propose？I tell you that this“Protection”，as it has been called，is a failure.It was so when you had the prohibition up to 80s.You know the state of your farming tenantry in 1821.It was a failure when you had a protection price of 60s.，for you know what was the condition of your farm tenantryin 1835.It is a failure now with your last amendment，for you have admitted and proclaimed it tous；and what is the condition of your agricultural population at this time？
I ask，what is your plan？I hope it is not a pretense—a mere political game that has been played throughout the last election，and that you have not all come up here as mere politicians.There are politicians in the House—men who look with an ambition—probably a justifiable one—to the honors of office.There may be men who—with thirty years of continuous service，having been pressed into a groove from which they can neither escape nor retreat—may be holding office，high office，maintained there probably at the expense of their present convictions which do not harmonize very well with their early opinions.I make allowances for them；but the great body of the honorable gentlemen opposite came up to this House，not as politicians，but as the farmers‘ friends：and protectors of the agricultural interests.Well，what do you propose to do？You have heard the prime minister declare that，if he could restore all the protection which you have had，that protection would not benefit agriculturists.Is that your belief？If so，why not proclaim it？And if it is not your conviction，you will have falsified your mission in this House by following the right honorable baronet out into the lobby，and opposing inquiry into the condition of the very men who sent you here.
With mere politicians I have no right to expect to succeed in this motion.But I have no hesitation in telling you that，if you give me a committee of this House，I will explode the delusion of agricultural protection！I will bring forward such a mass of evidence，and give you such a preponderance of talent and of authority，that when the blue book is published and sent forth to the world，as we can now send it，by our vehicles of information，your system of protection shall not live in public opinion for two years afterward.Politicians do not want that.This cry of protection has been a very convenient handle for politicians.The cry of protection carried the counties at the last election，and politicians gained honors，emoluments，and place by it.But is that old tattered flag of protection，tarnished and torn as it is already，to be kept hoisted still in the counties for the benefit of politicians；or will you come forward honestly and fairly to in－quire into this question？I can not believe that the gentry of England will be made mere drumheads to be sounded upon by a prime minister to give forth unmeaning and empty sounds，and to have no articulate voice of their own.No！You are the gentry of England who represent the counties.You are the aristocracy of England.Your fathers led our fathers ； you may lead us if you will go the right way.But，although you have retained your influence with this country longer than any other aristocracy，it has not been by opposing popular opinion，or by setting yourselves against the spirit of the age.
In other days， when the battle and the bunting－fields were the tests of manly vigor，your fathers were first and foremost there.The aristocracy of England were not like the noblesse of France，the mere minions of a court； nor were they like the hidalgos of Madrid，who dwindled in-to pigmies.You have been Englishmen.You have not shown a want of courage and firmness when any call has been made upon you.This is a new era.It is the age of improvement； it is the age ofsocial advancement，not the age for war or for feu-dal sports.You live in a mercantile age，when thewhole wealth of the world is poured into your lap.You can not have the advantages of commercial rents and feudal privileges； but you may be what you always have been，if you will identify your-selves with the spirit of the age.The English people look to the gentry and aristocracy of their country as their leaders，I，who am not one of you，have no hesitation in telling you that there is a deep-rooted，an hereditary prejudice，if I may so call it，in your favor in this country.But you never got it，and you will not keep it，by obstructing the spirit of the age.If you are indifferent to enlightened means of finding employment for your own peasantry ；if you are found obstructing that advance which is calculated to knit nations more together in the bonds of peace by means of commer－cial intercourse；if you are found fighting against the discoveries which have almost given breath and life to material nature，and setting up yourselves as obstructive of that which destiny has decreed shall go on，—why，then，you will be the gentry of England no longer，and others will be found to take your place.
理查德·科布頓
保護農(nóng)業(yè)的結(jié)果
1845年3月13日
我認為勞工若失業(yè)，地主是要負責的當事人。毋容置疑，你們大權(quán)獨攬。如果愿意，你們可以為勞工或為自己立法。而不管你們怎樣立法，你們所立之法都有悖于勞工的利益，你們無權(quán)號召農(nóng)民消除你們所造成的弊病。這種弊病——如果你們稱之為弊病——對你們的壓力不會逐年增加嗎？你們怎樣消除這種禍害呢？我之所以到這里來是因為你們沒有提出任何建議。大家都知道你們的分配制度，也都曉得其失敗之處。你們還有其他補救的辦法嗎？因為，你們注意聽，如果允許你們實行自己的觀點，那比兒戲更糟糕。是的，對你們中的某些人來說，有比你們自己聰明的人來領(lǐng)導你們就足夠了，或者你們引導自己進入與他們在愛爾蘭所處的完全一樣的情況，但是這中間有些區(qū)別——這增加了困難——他們在那里是依靠英國財政部和2萬名步兵的幫助才保住了財產(chǎn)權(quán)；但是把你們自己的國家分割為小塊土地，哪里還會有財產(chǎn)權(quán)？現(xiàn)在你們提出些什么建議呢？那是值得討論的問題。我聽說，今年沒有提出任何旨在使英國廣大群眾受惠的建議；我也沒有聽到改善廣大群眾生活條件的建議。
你們承認農(nóng)民的資金正在減少，他的處境比任何時候都糟糕，你們是否已制訂出某種明顯增強農(nóng)民信心的計劃，使他得到可以用在他的土地上的資金，從而使勞工增加就業(yè)？怎樣適應這種情況？我不相信你們將使這成為政治把戲。你們務必確立某些使農(nóng)業(yè)受惠的具體目標。人們常說，上次大選是農(nóng)民的勝利。首相身后坐著200名郡議員就足以證明這一點。
那末，面對此種令人痛苦的情況你們有何計劃呢？這就是我要問你們的問題。你們不要像過去那樣因為我的觀點表述得不夠完善而同我辯論；我已經(jīng)盡了力，我再次請問，你們提出了什么建議？我可以告訴你們，人們所謂的“保護”失敗了。你們把禁價提高到80先令時，“保護”就已失敗了。你們知道你們的佃農(nóng)在1821年的情況。你們把保護價定為60先令時，就是個失敗，因為你們了解1835年佃農(nóng)的情況。你們現(xiàn)在這個最后的修正案是個失敗，因為你們已經(jīng)向我們承認并宣布了這一點。目前你們的農(nóng)業(yè)人口的境況又怎樣呢？
請問，你們有什么計劃？我希望這不是個托詞——那只是貫穿于上屆選舉全過程中的政治把戲，你們大家并不僅僅是以政治家的身份來到這里的。議會有政治家，那些帶著也許無可非議的野心來擔任這項光榮職務的人，也許有人（連續(xù)任職30年之后，不得不習慣于老一套，陷入既不能進也不能退的境地）正擔任某職或者某高職，為了保持職位也許要犧牲其現(xiàn)在的信仰，而這種信仰與其過去的一些意見是并不十分相符的。我是能體諒他們的；但是，與我這種態(tài)度不同的可敬的議員中絕大部分不是以政治家的身份，而是作為農(nóng)民的朋友和農(nóng)民利益的保護者進入議會的。那么，你們提議做些什么呢？大家已經(jīng)聽到首相宣布他若能恢復你們過去享有的保護，那么這種保護不可能使農(nóng)民受惠。你們也持這種觀點嗎？如果是，那么為何不公開宣布呢？如果那不是你們的信仰，那么你們跟隨可敬的準男爵進入投票廳，反對查詢有關(guān)那些真正派你們來此的人們的情況，就辜負了你們在議會的使命。
和十足的政客相比，我無權(quán)期望在這個動議中成功。但是我可以毫不猶豫地告訴你們，若讓我領(lǐng)導議會的一個委員會，我將戳穿關(guān)于農(nóng)業(yè)保護的謊言！我將提出大量證據(jù)，向你們展示極具天才和權(quán)威的說明，這樣，在藍皮書發(fā)表，并用我們的信息工具，按我們目前的能力傳播到世界各地時，不出兩年，公眾輿論就不會允許你們的保護制度存在下去。政客們不希望那樣?！氨Ｗo”的呼聲曾給了政客們一個現(xiàn)成的可乘之機。上屆郡選舉時大聲疾呼保護，政客因此得到榮耀、酬金和地位。然而那面已被玷污并撕裂的“保護”破旗仍在郡縣為著政客的利益而高舉不倒嗎？或者你會誠實公正地挺身而出查究這個問題嗎？我不能相信英國中上階級甘心充當鼓面聽任首相敲打，發(fā)出空洞無物的響聲，而不發(fā)出他們自己清晰的聲音。不！你們是代表各郡的英國的中上階級。你們是英國貴族。你們的父輩領(lǐng)導過我們的父輩；你們?nèi)糇哒溃涂深I(lǐng)導我們。但是，你們雖然比其他貴族保留著更長遠的影響，卻不是通過反對公眾輿論，使你們自己與時代精神相對立而做到的。
以前，戰(zhàn)場和獵場是考驗男子漢陽剛之氣的場所，你們的父輩總是站在前列。英國貴族和只是宮廷寵臣的法國貴族不同；也有別于馬德里的貴族，他們已淪為無足輕重的人。你們是英國人。當向你們發(fā)出召喚時，你們從未表現(xiàn)出缺乏勇氣和堅定性。這是一個新時代，這是改良的時代，社會進步的時代，而不是戰(zhàn)爭時代或者封建娛樂時代。你們生活在商業(yè)時代，整個世界的財富滾滾流入你們的口袋。你們不能同時享有商業(yè)性的租金收入和封建特權(quán)；但是，你們?nèi)艟哂袝r代精神，你就還會與過去一樣。英國人把本國的中上階級和貴族視為領(lǐng)袖。我，不是你們中的一員，卻毫不猶豫地告訴你們，我有一種根深蒂固的、祖?zhèn)鞯钠妬碇С帜銈儭绻梢赃@樣說的話。但是如果你們妨礙時代精神，你們就得不到這種支持，也不會保有這種支持。如果你們對于為農(nóng)民尋找工作的先進手段不感興趣；如果你們被認為在阻撓以通商手段使各國更緊密地共處于和平之中的進步；如果你們被認為在反對那些幾乎賦予物質(zhì)性以生命活力的新發(fā)現(xiàn)，并使自己妨礙天意所決定要做的事；——那么，你們將不再是英國的中上階級，就會被其他人所取代。
THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION ON AGRICULTURE
March 13，1845
I hold that the landed proprietors are the parties who are responsible if the laborers have not employment.You have absolute power；there is no doubt about that.You can，if you please，legislate for the laborers，or yourselves.Whatever you may have done besides，your legislation has been ad-verse to the laborer，and you have no right to call upon the farmers to remedy the evils which you have caused.Will not this evil—if evil you call it—press on you more and more every year？ What can you do to remedy the mischief？I only appear here now because you have proposed nothing.We all know your system of allotments，and we are all aware of its failure.What other remedy have you？For，mark you，that is worse than a plaything，if you were allowed to carry out your own views.Aye，it is well enough for some of you that there are wiser heads than your own to lead you，or you would be conducting yourselves into precisely the same condition in which they are in Ireland，but with this difference—this increased difficulty—that there they do manage to maintain the rights of property by the aid of the English Exchequer and20，000 bayonets；but divide your own country into small allotments，and where would be the rights of property？What do you propose to do now？That is the question.Nothing has been brought forward this year，which I have heard，having for its object to benefit the great mass of the English population；nothing I have heard suggested which has atall tended to alleviate their condition.
You admit that the farmer's capital is sinking from under him，and that he is in a worse state than ever.Have you distinctly provided some plan to give confidence to the farmer，to cause an influx of capital to be expended upon his land，and so bring increased employment to the laborer？How is this to be met？I can not believe you are going to make this a political game.You must set up some specific object to benefit the agricultural interest.It is well said that the last election was an agricultural triumph.There are two hundred county members sitting behind the prime minister who prove that it was so.
What，then，is your plan for this distressing state of things？That is what I want to ask you.Do not，as yon have done before，quarrel with me because I have imperfectly stated my case；I have done my best，and I again ask you what you have to propose？I tell you that this“Protection”，as it has been called，is a failure.It was so when you had the prohibition up to 80s.You know the state of your farming tenantry in 1821.It was a failure when you had a protection price of 60s.，for you know what was the condition of your farm tenantryin 1835.It is a failure now with your last amendment，for you have admitted and proclaimed it tous；and what is the condition of your agricultural population at this time？
I ask，what is your plan？I hope it is not a pretense—a mere political game that has been played throughout the last election，and that you have not all come up here as mere politicians.There are politicians in the House—men who look with an ambition—probably a justifiable one—to the honors of office.There may be men who—with thirty years of continuous service，having been pressed into a groove from which they can neither escape nor retreat—may be holding office，high office，maintained there probably at the expense of their present convictions which do not harmonize very well with their early opinions.I make allowances for them；but the great body of the honorable gentlemen opposite came up to this House，not as politicians，but as the farmers‘ friends：and protectors of the agricultural interests.Well，what do you propose to do？You have heard the prime minister declare that，if he could restore all the protection which you have had，that protection would not benefit agriculturists.Is that your belief？If so，why not proclaim it？And if it is not your conviction，you will have falsified your mission in this House by following the right honorable baronet out into the lobby，and opposing inquiry into the condition of the very men who sent you here.
With mere politicians I have no right to expect to succeed in this motion.But I have no hesitation in telling you that，if you give me a committee of this House，I will explode the delusion of agricultural protection！I will bring forward such a mass of evidence，and give you such a preponderance of talent and of authority，that when the blue book is published and sent forth to the world，as we can now send it，by our vehicles of information，your system of protection shall not live in public opinion for two years afterward.Politicians do not want that.This cry of protection has been a very convenient handle for politicians.The cry of protection carried the counties at the last election，and politicians gained honors，emoluments，and place by it.But is that old tattered flag of protection，tarnished and torn as it is already，to be kept hoisted still in the counties for the benefit of politicians；or will you come forward honestly and fairly to in－quire into this question？I can not believe that the gentry of England will be made mere drumheads to be sounded upon by a prime minister to give forth unmeaning and empty sounds，and to have no articulate voice of their own.No！You are the gentry of England who represent the counties.You are the aristocracy of England.Your fathers led our fathers ； you may lead us if you will go the right way.But，although you have retained your influence with this country longer than any other aristocracy，it has not been by opposing popular opinion，or by setting yourselves against the spirit of the age.
In other days， when the battle and the bunting－fields were the tests of manly vigor，your fathers were first and foremost there.The aristocracy of England were not like the noblesse of France，the mere minions of a court； nor were they like the hidalgos of Madrid，who dwindled in-to pigmies.You have been Englishmen.You have not shown a want of courage and firmness when any call has been made upon you.This is a new era.It is the age of improvement； it is the age ofsocial advancement，not the age for war or for feu-dal sports.You live in a mercantile age，when thewhole wealth of the world is poured into your lap.You can not have the advantages of commercial rents and feudal privileges； but you may be what you always have been，if you will identify your-selves with the spirit of the age.The English people look to the gentry and aristocracy of their country as their leaders，I，who am not one of you，have no hesitation in telling you that there is a deep-rooted，an hereditary prejudice，if I may so call it，in your favor in this country.But you never got it，and you will not keep it，by obstructing the spirit of the age.If you are indifferent to enlightened means of finding employment for your own peasantry ；if you are found obstructing that advance which is calculated to knit nations more together in the bonds of peace by means of commer－cial intercourse；if you are found fighting against the discoveries which have almost given breath and life to material nature，and setting up yourselves as obstructive of that which destiny has decreed shall go on，—why，then，you will be the gentry of England no longer，and others will be found to take your place.
理查德·科布頓
保護農(nóng)業(yè)的結(jié)果
1845年3月13日
我認為勞工若失業(yè)，地主是要負責的當事人。毋容置疑，你們大權(quán)獨攬。如果愿意，你們可以為勞工或為自己立法。而不管你們怎樣立法，你們所立之法都有悖于勞工的利益，你們無權(quán)號召農(nóng)民消除你們所造成的弊病。這種弊病——如果你們稱之為弊病——對你們的壓力不會逐年增加嗎？你們怎樣消除這種禍害呢？我之所以到這里來是因為你們沒有提出任何建議。大家都知道你們的分配制度，也都曉得其失敗之處。你們還有其他補救的辦法嗎？因為，你們注意聽，如果允許你們實行自己的觀點，那比兒戲更糟糕。是的，對你們中的某些人來說，有比你們自己聰明的人來領(lǐng)導你們就足夠了，或者你們引導自己進入與他們在愛爾蘭所處的完全一樣的情況，但是這中間有些區(qū)別——這增加了困難——他們在那里是依靠英國財政部和2萬名步兵的幫助才保住了財產(chǎn)權(quán)；但是把你們自己的國家分割為小塊土地，哪里還會有財產(chǎn)權(quán)？現(xiàn)在你們提出些什么建議呢？那是值得討論的問題。我聽說，今年沒有提出任何旨在使英國廣大群眾受惠的建議；我也沒有聽到改善廣大群眾生活條件的建議。
你們承認農(nóng)民的資金正在減少，他的處境比任何時候都糟糕，你們是否已制訂出某種明顯增強農(nóng)民信心的計劃，使他得到可以用在他的土地上的資金，從而使勞工增加就業(yè)？怎樣適應這種情況？我不相信你們將使這成為政治把戲。你們務必確立某些使農(nóng)業(yè)受惠的具體目標。人們常說，上次大選是農(nóng)民的勝利。首相身后坐著200名郡議員就足以證明這一點。
那末，面對此種令人痛苦的情況你們有何計劃呢？這就是我要問你們的問題。你們不要像過去那樣因為我的觀點表述得不夠完善而同我辯論；我已經(jīng)盡了力，我再次請問，你們提出了什么建議？我可以告訴你們，人們所謂的“保護”失敗了。你們把禁價提高到80先令時，“保護”就已失敗了。你們知道你們的佃農(nóng)在1821年的情況。你們把保護價定為60先令時，就是個失敗，因為你們了解1835年佃農(nóng)的情況。你們現(xiàn)在這個最后的修正案是個失敗，因為你們已經(jīng)向我們承認并宣布了這一點。目前你們的農(nóng)業(yè)人口的境況又怎樣呢？
請問，你們有什么計劃？我希望這不是個托詞——那只是貫穿于上屆選舉全過程中的政治把戲，你們大家并不僅僅是以政治家的身份來到這里的。議會有政治家，那些帶著也許無可非議的野心來擔任這項光榮職務的人，也許有人（連續(xù)任職30年之后，不得不習慣于老一套，陷入既不能進也不能退的境地）正擔任某職或者某高職，為了保持職位也許要犧牲其現(xiàn)在的信仰，而這種信仰與其過去的一些意見是并不十分相符的。我是能體諒他們的；但是，與我這種態(tài)度不同的可敬的議員中絕大部分不是以政治家的身份，而是作為農(nóng)民的朋友和農(nóng)民利益的保護者進入議會的。那么，你們提議做些什么呢？大家已經(jīng)聽到首相宣布他若能恢復你們過去享有的保護，那么這種保護不可能使農(nóng)民受惠。你們也持這種觀點嗎？如果是，那么為何不公開宣布呢？如果那不是你們的信仰，那么你們跟隨可敬的準男爵進入投票廳，反對查詢有關(guān)那些真正派你們來此的人們的情況，就辜負了你們在議會的使命。
和十足的政客相比，我無權(quán)期望在這個動議中成功。但是我可以毫不猶豫地告訴你們，若讓我領(lǐng)導議會的一個委員會，我將戳穿關(guān)于農(nóng)業(yè)保護的謊言！我將提出大量證據(jù)，向你們展示極具天才和權(quán)威的說明，這樣，在藍皮書發(fā)表，并用我們的信息工具，按我們目前的能力傳播到世界各地時，不出兩年，公眾輿論就不會允許你們的保護制度存在下去。政客們不希望那樣?！氨Ｗo”的呼聲曾給了政客們一個現(xiàn)成的可乘之機。上屆郡選舉時大聲疾呼保護，政客因此得到榮耀、酬金和地位。然而那面已被玷污并撕裂的“保護”破旗仍在郡縣為著政客的利益而高舉不倒嗎？或者你會誠實公正地挺身而出查究這個問題嗎？我不能相信英國中上階級甘心充當鼓面聽任首相敲打，發(fā)出空洞無物的響聲，而不發(fā)出他們自己清晰的聲音。不！你們是代表各郡的英國的中上階級。你們是英國貴族。你們的父輩領(lǐng)導過我們的父輩；你們?nèi)糇哒溃涂深I(lǐng)導我們。但是，你們雖然比其他貴族保留著更長遠的影響，卻不是通過反對公眾輿論，使你們自己與時代精神相對立而做到的。
以前，戰(zhàn)場和獵場是考驗男子漢陽剛之氣的場所，你們的父輩總是站在前列。英國貴族和只是宮廷寵臣的法國貴族不同；也有別于馬德里的貴族，他們已淪為無足輕重的人。你們是英國人。當向你們發(fā)出召喚時，你們從未表現(xiàn)出缺乏勇氣和堅定性。這是一個新時代，這是改良的時代，社會進步的時代，而不是戰(zhàn)爭時代或者封建娛樂時代。你們生活在商業(yè)時代，整個世界的財富滾滾流入你們的口袋。你們不能同時享有商業(yè)性的租金收入和封建特權(quán)；但是，你們?nèi)艟哂袝r代精神，你就還會與過去一樣。英國人把本國的中上階級和貴族視為領(lǐng)袖。我，不是你們中的一員，卻毫不猶豫地告訴你們，我有一種根深蒂固的、祖?zhèn)鞯钠妬碇С帜銈儭绻梢赃@樣說的話。但是如果你們妨礙時代精神，你們就得不到這種支持，也不會保有這種支持。如果你們對于為農(nóng)民尋找工作的先進手段不感興趣；如果你們被認為在阻撓以通商手段使各國更緊密地共處于和平之中的進步；如果你們被認為在反對那些幾乎賦予物質(zhì)性以生命活力的新發(fā)現(xiàn)，并使自己妨礙天意所決定要做的事；——那么，你們將不再是英國的中上階級，就會被其他人所取代。