世界人權(quán)日演講稿范文【一】
晚上好,我在這里表達(dá)我的榮譽(yù)和快樂(lè)。我要感謝總經(jīng)理溫迪托卡耶夫和女士以及其他部長(zhǎng)、大使、各位閣下,和聯(lián)合國(guó)合作伙伴。這個(gè)周末,我們將慶祝人權(quán)日,周年紀(jì)念日上世紀(jì)最偉大的成就之一。
從1947年開始,來(lái)自六大洲的代表奉獻(xiàn)自己起草一份聲明,將人的基本權(quán)利和自由無(wú)處不在。二戰(zhàn)后,許多國(guó)家要求聲明這種幫助確保我們將防止未來(lái)的暴行和保護(hù)所有人的固有的人性和尊嚴(yán)。所以代表去上班。他們討論,他們寫道,重新審視、修改,重寫,因?yàn)閿?shù)千小時(shí)。他們注冊(cè)的建議和修訂從政府、組織和個(gè)人在世界各地。
凌晨三點(diǎn)在12月10日,1948年,經(jīng)過(guò)近兩年的起草和最后一個(gè)漫長(zhǎng)的夜晚的辯論中,奧巴馬總統(tǒng)呼吁聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)投票決定最終的文本。48個(gè)國(guó)家投票贊成,8個(gè)國(guó)家投了棄權(quán)票,沒(méi)有異議。和《世界人權(quán)宣言》。它宣告一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的、強(qiáng)大的想法:所有人類生而擁有尊嚴(yán)及權(quán)利的平等和自由。和聲明,明確表示,權(quán)利不是政府賦予;它們是所有人與生俱來(lái)的權(quán)利。我們生活在哪個(gè)國(guó)家并不重要,我們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人是誰(shuí),甚至我們是誰(shuí)。因?yàn)槲覀兪侨祟?我們因此有權(quán)利。因?yàn)槲覀冇袡?quán)利,政府一定會(huì)保護(hù)他們。
宣言在63年被采用,許多國(guó)家已經(jīng)取得了很大的進(jìn)步在人權(quán)人類現(xiàn)實(shí)。一步一步,障礙,一旦阻止人們享受的全部測(cè)量自由,尊嚴(yán)的全部經(jīng)驗(yàn),和人類的全部好處已經(jīng)走了。在許多地方,種族主義法律已經(jīng)被廢除,法律和社會(huì)實(shí)踐,把女性二等地位已經(jīng)被廢除,宗教少數(shù)派的能力已經(jīng)獲得自由實(shí)踐他們的信仰。
在大多數(shù)情況下,這種進(jìn)步是不容易獲得。人與組織和公共活動(dòng)廣場(chǎng)和私人空間不僅改變法律,但人心。多虧了這代,成百上千萬(wàn)人的生命曾經(jīng)縮小的不公,他們現(xiàn)在能夠生活得更自由,更充分地參與到政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)生活的社區(qū)。
現(xiàn)在仍然存在,大家都知道,更要做安全的承諾,所有人這一現(xiàn)實(shí),和進(jìn)步。今天,我想談?wù)勎覀兊墓ぷ饔惺Ｏ乱鰜?lái)保護(hù)人權(quán)的一群人仍然否認(rèn)在當(dāng)今世界太多的地方。在許多方面,他們是一個(gè)看不見(jiàn)的少數(shù)民族。他們被逮捕,毆打、恐嚇甚至處死。許多人蔑視和暴力對(duì)待同胞而當(dāng)局授權(quán)保護(hù)他們尋找其他途徑,或過(guò)于頻繁,甚至加入濫用。他們否認(rèn)了工作和學(xué)習(xí)的機(jī)會(huì),從他們的家園和國(guó)家,被迫抑制或否認(rèn)他們是誰(shuí)來(lái)保護(hù)自己免受傷害。
我說(shuō)的是男同性戀,女同性戀,雙性戀,變性人,人類生而自由,賦予平等和尊嚴(yán),誰(shuí)有權(quán)宣稱,現(xiàn)在剩下的人權(quán)挑戰(zhàn)之一。我談?wù)撨@個(gè)問(wèn)題時(shí)知道自己的國(guó)家對(duì)同性戀者的人權(quán)紀(jì)錄遠(yuǎn)非完美。直到2003年,它仍然是一個(gè)犯罪在我國(guó)部分地區(qū)。許多同性戀美國(guó)人經(jīng)歷了暴力和騷擾自己的生活,和對(duì)一些人來(lái)說(shuō),包括許多年輕人,欺凌和排斥是日常經(jīng)驗(yàn)。所有國(guó)家一樣,所以我們有更多的工作要做在家里保護(hù)人權(quán)。liuxue86.com
提高這個(gè)問(wèn)題,現(xiàn)在我知道,是敏感的對(duì)許多人來(lái)說(shuō),障礙的障礙保護(hù)同性戀的人權(quán)在根深蒂固的個(gè)人,政治、文化和宗教信仰。所以我來(lái)這里之前你尊重,理解,和謙卑。盡管在這方面進(jìn)展并不容易,我們不能推遲行動(dòng)。所以本著這一精神,我想談?wù)勎覀円黄鸨仨毥鉀Q的困難和重要的問(wèn)題達(dá)成全球共識(shí),承認(rèn)同性戀公民的人權(quán)。
第一個(gè)問(wèn)題是問(wèn)題的核心。一些人認(rèn)為同性戀權(quán)利和人權(quán)是分開的,獨(dú)特的;但是,實(shí)際上,他們是同一個(gè)。當(dāng)然,60年前,政府起草和通過(guò)了《世界人權(quán)宣言》沒(méi)有思考如何應(yīng)用于LGBT群體。他們還沒(méi)有考慮它如何應(yīng)用于原住民或孩子或殘疾人或其他邊緣化群體。然而,在過(guò)去60年里,我們已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到,這些團(tuán)體的成員有權(quán)完整的尊嚴(yán)和權(quán)利,因?yàn)?像所有人一樣,他們共享一個(gè)共同的人性。
這種識(shí)別并沒(méi)有發(fā)生。隨著時(shí)間的推移它發(fā)展。那樣,我們明白我們是人們總是尊重權(quán)利,而不是創(chuàng)建新的或特殊權(quán)利。作為一個(gè)女人,作為一個(gè)種族,宗教、部落或民族,被同性戀不會(huì)使你更少的人。這就是為什么同性戀者的權(quán)利是人權(quán)和人權(quán)是同性戀權(quán)利。
這是一個(gè)違反人權(quán)當(dāng)人們擊敗或殺死,因?yàn)樗麄兊男匀∠?或因?yàn)樗麄儾环衔幕?guī)范關(guān)于男性和女性應(yīng)該或行為。這是一個(gè)違反人權(quán)當(dāng)政府宣布同性戀是違法,或允許同性戀者去懲罰那些傷害。這是一個(gè)違反人權(quán)當(dāng)女同性戀或變性婦女遭受所謂糾正強(qiáng)奸,或者強(qiáng)行接受激素治療,或當(dāng)人們對(duì)待同性戀者公開呼吁暴力謀殺后,或者當(dāng)他們被迫逃離他們?cè)谄渌麌?guó)家尋求庇護(hù)的土地來(lái)挽救他們的生命。并拒絕拯救生命的治療,違反人權(quán)的人,因?yàn)樗麄兪峭詰?或者拒絕平等正義的人,因?yàn)樗麄兪峭詰倩蚬矆?chǎng)所是禁止入內(nèi)的人,因?yàn)樗麄兪峭詰佟２还芪覀兪鞘裁礃幼?我們是從哪里來(lái)的,或者我們是誰(shuí),我們都是平等的權(quán)利,我們的人權(quán)和尊嚴(yán)。
第二個(gè)問(wèn)題是一個(gè)問(wèn)題是否同性戀起因于一個(gè)特定的世界的一部分。一些似乎認(rèn)為這是一個(gè)西方的現(xiàn)象,因此西方以外的人有理由拒絕它。在現(xiàn)實(shí)中,同性戀是天生的,屬于世界上每一個(gè)社會(huì)。所有年齡、所有種族,信仰,他們是醫(yī)生和老師,農(nóng)民和銀行家,士兵和運(yùn)動(dòng)員;我們是否知道,或者我們是否承認(rèn)它的存在,他們是我們的家人,我們的朋友和鄰居。
同性戀不是西方的發(fā)明,它是一種人類的現(xiàn)實(shí)。和保護(hù)所有人的人權(quán),同性戀還是異性戀,不是只有西方政府做的。南非憲法,寫在種族隔離之后,保護(hù)所有公民的平等,包括同性戀者。在哥倫比亞和阿根廷,同性戀也是受法律保護(hù)的權(quán)利。在尼泊爾,最高法院裁定,平等權(quán)利適用于同性戀公民。蒙古政府致力于追求新的立法,將解決反同性戀的歧視。
現(xiàn)在,一些人擔(dān)心LGBT群體的人權(quán)保護(hù)是一種奢侈品,只有富裕國(guó)家能負(fù)擔(dān)得起。但事實(shí)上,在所有國(guó)家,成本不保護(hù)這些權(quán)利,同性戀和異性戀的生活失去了疾病和暴力,和沉默的聲音和觀點(diǎn),將加強(qiáng)社區(qū),思想永遠(yuǎn)追求的企業(yè)家是同性戀。成本的產(chǎn)生是任何團(tuán)體被視為較小,是否女性,種族,宗教少數(shù)派或同性戀。博茨瓦納前總統(tǒng)莫哈埃最近指出,只要LGBT群體保持在陰影里,不可能有一個(gè)有效的公共衛(wèi)生計(jì)劃應(yīng)對(duì)艾滋病毒和艾滋病。這也適用于其他挑戰(zhàn)。
第三,也許最具挑戰(zhàn)性的問(wèn)題,當(dāng)人們把宗教或文化價(jià)值觀作為理由違反或不保護(hù)同性戀公民的人權(quán)。這不是與暴力行為的理由提出對(duì)女性喜歡榮譽(yù)謀殺,寡婦燃燒,或女性生殖器切割。有些人仍然捍衛(wèi)這些實(shí)踐作為文化傳統(tǒng)的一部分。但對(duì)婦女的暴力行為并不是文化,而是犯罪。同樣與奴隸制,曾經(jīng)受上帝現(xiàn)在正確地斥責(zé)為不合理的違反人權(quán)。
在這些情況下,我們來(lái)學(xué)習(xí),沒(méi)有實(shí)踐或傳統(tǒng)勝過(guò)屬于我們所有人的人權(quán)。這適用于LGBT群體造成暴力,認(rèn)定他們的狀態(tài)或行為,驅(qū)逐他們從他們的家庭和社區(qū),或者默許或顯式地接受他們的殺戮。
當(dāng)然,但是要注意的是很少有文化和宗教傳統(tǒng)和學(xué)說(shuō)實(shí)際上與人權(quán)保護(hù)的沖突。事實(shí)上,我們的宗教和文化是靈感來(lái)源的同情和對(duì)我們的人類同胞。這不僅是那些已經(jīng)證明奴隸制靠宗教,這也是那些試圖廢除它。讓我們記住我們的承諾,保護(hù)宗教自由,捍衛(wèi)LGBT群體的尊嚴(yán)來(lái)自一個(gè)共同的來(lái)源。對(duì)我們?cè)S多人來(lái)說(shuō),宗教信仰和實(shí)踐意義和身份的重要來(lái)源,和我們?nèi)说幕A(chǔ)。同樣地,對(duì)大多數(shù)人來(lái)說(shuō),愛(ài)情和家庭,我們建立的債券也意義和身份的重要來(lái)源。和照顧他人的表達(dá)什么是完整的人。這是因?yàn)槿祟惖慕?jīng)驗(yàn)是普遍的,人權(quán)是普遍和跨越所有的宗教和文化。
第四個(gè)問(wèn)題是歷史教訓(xùn)我們?nèi)绾巫屗羞M(jìn)程的權(quán)利。進(jìn)步從誠(chéng)實(shí)開始討論?，F(xiàn)在,有些人說(shuō),相信所有的同性戀者都是戀童癖,同性戀是一種疾病,可以捕獲或治愈,或者同性戀招募其他人成為同性戀。這些觀念是不正確的。他們也不可能消失,如果那些促進(jìn)或接受他們置若罔聞,而不是被邀請(qǐng)分享他們的恐懼和擔(dān)憂。從來(lái)沒(méi)有人放棄了信仰,因?yàn)樗黄冗@樣做。
世界人權(quán)日演講稿范文【二】
Good evening, and let me express my deep honor and pleasure at being here. I want to thank Director General Tokayev and Ms. Wyden along with other ministers, ambassadors, excellencies, and UN partners. This weekend, we will celebrate Human Rights Day, the anniversary of one of the great accomplishments of the last century.
Beginning in 1947, delegates from six continents devoted themselves to drafting a declaration that would enshrine the fundamental rights and freedoms of people everywhere. In the aftermath of World War II, many nations pressed for a statement of this kind to help ensure that we would prevent future atrocities and protect the inherent humanity and dignity of all people. And so the delegates went to work. They discussed, they wrote, they revisited, revised, rewrote, for thousands of hours. And they incorporated suggestions and revisions from governments, organizations, and individuals around the world.
At three o’clock in the morning on December 10th, 1948, after nearly two years of drafting and one last long night of debate, the president of the UN General Assembly called for a vote on the final text. Forty-eight nations voted in favor; eight abstained; none dissented. And the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted. It proclaims a simple, powerful idea: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. And with the declaration, it was made clear that rights are not conferred by government; they are the birthright of all people. It does not matter what country we live in, who our leaders are, or even who we are. Because we are human, we therefore have rights. And because we have rights, governments are bound to protect them.
In the 63 years since the declaration was adopted, many nations have made great progress in making human rights a human reality. Step by step, barriers that once prevented people from enjoying the full measure of liberty, the full experience of dignity, and the full benefits of humanity have fallen away. In many places, racist laws have been repealed, legal and social practices that relegated women to second-class status have been abolished, the ability of religious minorities to practice their faith freely has been secured.
In most cases, this progress was not easily won. People fought and organized and campaigned in public squares and private spaces to change not only laws, but hearts and minds. And thanks to that work of generations, for millions of individuals whose lives were once narrowed by injustice, they are now able to live more freely and to participate more fully in the political, economic, and social lives of their communities.
Now, there is still, as you all know, much more to be done to secure that commitment, that reality, and progress for all people. Today, I want to talk about the work we have left to do to protect one group of people whose human rights are still denied in too many parts of the world today. In many ways, they are an invisible minority. They are arrested, beaten, terrorized, even executed. Many are treated with contempt and violence by their fellow citizens while authorities empowered to protect them look the other way or, too often, even join in the abuse. They are denied opportunities to work and learn, driven from their homes and countries, and forced to suppress or deny who they are to protect themselves from harm.
I am talking about gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender people, human beings born free and given bestowed equality and dignity, who have a right to claim that, which is now one of the remaining human rights challenges of our time. I speak about this subject knowing that my own country’s record on human rights for gay people is far from perfect. Until 2003, it was still a crime in parts of our country. Many LGBT Americans have endured violence and harassment in their own lives, and for some, including many young people, bullying and exclusion are daily experiences. So we, like all nations, have more work to do to protect human rights at home.
Now, raising this issue, I know, is sensitive for many people and that the obstacles standing in the way of protecting the human rights of LGBT people rest on deeply held personal, political, cultural, and religious beliefs. So I come here before you with respect, understanding, and humility. Even though progress on this front is not easy, we cannot delay acting. So in that spirit, I want to talk about the difficult and important issues we must address together to reach a global consensus that recognizes the human rights of LGBT citizens everywhere.
The first issue goes to the heart of the matter. Some have suggested that gay rights and human rights are separate and distinct; but, in fact, they are one and the same. Now, of course, 60 years ago, the governments that drafted and passed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were not thinking about how it applied to the LGBT community. They also weren’t thinking about how it applied to indigenous people or children or people with disabilities or other marginalized groups. Yet in the past 60 years, we have come to recognize that members of these groups are entitled to the full measure of dignity and rights, because, like all people, they share a common humanity.
This recognition did not occur all at once. It evolved over time. And as it did, we understood that we were honoring rights that people always had, rather than creating new or special rights for them. Like being a woman, like being a racial, religious, tribal, or ethnic minority, being LGBT does not make you less human. And that is why gay rights are human rights, and human rights are gay rights.
It is a violation of human rights when people are beaten or killed because of their sexual orientation, or because they do not conform to cultural norms about how men and women should look or behave. It is a violation of human rights when governments declare it illegal to be gay, or allow those who harm gay people to go unpunished. It is a violation of human rights when lesbian or transgendered women are subjected to so-called corrective rape, or forcibly subjected to hormone treatments, or when people are murdered after public calls for violence toward gays, or when they are forced to flee their nations and seek asylum in other lands to save their lives. And it is a violation of human rights when life-saving care is withheld from people because they are gay, or equal access to justice is denied to people because they are gay, or public spaces are out of bounds to people because they are gay. No matter what we look like, where we come from, or who we are, we are all equally entitled to our human rights and dignity.
The second issue is a question of whether homosexuality arises from a particular part of the world. Some seem to believe it is a Western phenomenon, and therefore people outside the West have grounds to reject it. Well, in reality, gay people are born into and belong to every society in the world. They are all ages, all races, all faiths; they are doctors and teachers, farmers and bankers, soldiers and athletes; and whether we know it, or whether we acknowledge it, they are our family, our friends, and our neighbors.
Being gay is not a Western invention; it is a human reality. And protecting the human rights of all people, gay or straight, is not something that only Western governments do. South Africa’s constitution, written in the aftermath of Apartheid, protects the equality of all citizens, including gay people. In Colombia and Argentina, the rights of gays are also legally protected. In Nepal, the Supreme Court has ruled that equal rights apply to LGBT citizens. The Government of Mongolia has committed to pursue new legislation that will tackle anti-gay discrimination.
Now, some worry that protecting the human rights of the LGBT community is a luxury that only wealthy nations can afford. But in fact, in all countries, there are costs to not protecting these rights, in both gay and straight lives lost to disease and violence, and the silencing of voices and views that would strengthen communities, in ideas never pursued by entrepreneurs who happen to be gay. Costs are incurred whenever any group is treated as lesser or the other, whether they are women, racial, or religious minorities, or the LGBT. Former President Mogae of Botswana pointed out recently that for as long as LGBT people are kept in the shadows, there cannot be an effective public health program to tackle HIV and AIDS. Well, that holds true for other challenges as well.
The third, and perhaps most challenging, issue arises when people cite religious or cultural values as a reason to violate or not to protect the human rights of LGBT citizens. This is not unlike the justification offered for violent practices towards women like honor killings, widow burning, or female genital mutilation. Some people still defend those practices as part of a cultural tradition. But violence toward women isn’t cultural; it’s criminal. Likewise with slavery, what was once justified as sanctioned by God is now properly reviled as an unconscionable violation of human rights.
In each of these cases, we came to learn that no practice or tradition trumps the human rights that belong to all of us. And this holds true for inflicting violence on LGBT people, criminalizing their status or behavior, expelling them from their families and communities, or tacitly or explicitly accepting their killing.
Of course, it bears noting that rarely are cultural and religious traditions and teachings actually in conflict with the protection of human rights. Indeed, our religion and our culture are sources of compassion and inspiration toward our fellow human beings. It was not only those who’ve justified slavery who leaned on religion, it was also those who sought to abolish it. And let us keep in mind that our commitments to protect the freedom of religion and to defend the dignity of LGBT people emanate from a common source. For many of us, religious belief and practice is a vital source of meaning and identity, and fundamental to who we are as people. And likewise, for most of us, the bonds of love and family that we forge are also vital sources of meaning and identity. And caring for others is an expression of what it means to be fully human. It is because the human experience is universal that human rights are universal and cut across all religions and cultures.
The fourth issue is what history teaches us about how we make progress towards rights for all. Progress starts with honest discussion. Now, there are some who say and believe that all gay people are pedophiles, that homosexuality is a disease that can be caught or cured, or that gays recruit others to become gay. Well, these notions are simply not true. They are also unlikely to disappear if those who promote or accept them are dismissed out of hand rather than invited to share their fears and concerns. No one has ever abandoned a belief because he was forced to do so.
Universal human rights include freedom of expression and freedom of belief, even if our words or beliefs denigrate the humanity of others. Yet, while we are each free to believe whatever we choose, we cannot do whatever we choose, not in a world where we protect the human rights of all.
Reaching understanding of these issues takes more than speech. It does take a conversation. In fact, it takes a constellation of conversations in places big and small. And it takes a willingness to see stark differences in belief as a reason to begin the conversation, not to avoid it.
But progress comes from changes in laws. In many places, including my own country, legal protections have preceded, not followed, broader recognition of rights. Laws have a teaching effect. Laws that discriminate validate other kinds of discrimination. Laws that require equal protections reinforce the moral imperative of equality. And practically speaking, it is often the case that laws must change before fears about change dissipate.
Many in my country thought that President Truman was making a grave error when he ordered the racial desegregation of our military. They argued that it would undermine unit cohesion. And it wasn’t until he went ahead and did it that we saw how it strengthened our social fabric in ways even the supporters of the policy could not foresee. Likewise, some worried in my country that the repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” would have a negative effect on our armed forces. Now, the Marine Corps Commandant, who was one of the strongest voices against the repeal, says that his concerns were unfounded and that the Marines have embraced the change.
Finally, progress comes from being willing to walk a mile in someone else’s shoes. We need to ask ourselves, “How would it feel if it were a crime to love the person I love? How would it feel to be discriminated against for something about myself that I cannot change?” This challenge applies to all of us as we reflect upon deeply held beliefs, as we work to embrace tolerance and respect for the dignity of all persons, and as we engage humbly with those with whom we disagree in the hope of creating greater understanding.
A fifth and final question is how we do our part to bring the world to embrace human rights for all people including LGBT people. Yes, LGBT people must help lead this effort, as so many of you are. Their knowledge and experiences are invaluable and their courage inspirational. We know the names of brave LGBT activists who have literally given their lives for this cause, and there are many more whose names we will never know. But often those who are denied rights are least empowered to bring about the changes they seek. Acting alone, minorities can never achieve the majorities necessary for political change.
So when any part of humanity is sidelined, the rest of us cannot sit on the sidelines. Every time a barrier to progress has fallen, it has taken a cooperative effort from those on both sides of the barrier. In the fight for women’s rights, the support of men remains crucial. The fight for racial equality has relied on contributions from people of all races. Combating Islam phobia or anti-Semitism is a task for people of all faiths. And the same is true with this struggle for equality.
Conversely, when we see denials and abuses of human rights and fail to act, that sends the message to those deniers and abusers that they won’t suffer any consequences for their actions, and so they carry on. But when we do act, we send a powerful moral message. Right here in Geneva, the international community acted this year to strengthen a global consensus around the human rights of LGBT people. At the Human Rights Council in March, 85 countries from all regions supported a statement calling for an end to criminalization and violence against people because of their sexual orientation and gender identity.
At the following session of the Council in June, South Africa took the lead on a resolution about violence against LGBT people. The delegation from South Africa spoke eloquently about their own experience and struggle for human equality and its indivisibility. When the measure passed, it became the first-ever UN resolution recognizing the human rights of gay people worldwide. In the Organization of American States this year, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights created a unit on the rights of LGBT people, a step toward what we hope will be the creation of a special rapporteur.
Now, we must go further and work here and in every region of the world to galvanize more support for the human rights of the LGBT community. To the leaders of those countries where people are jailed, beaten, or executed for being gay, I ask you to consider this: Leadership, by definition, means being out in front of your people when it is called for. It means standing up for the dignity of all your citizens and persuading your people to do the same. It also means ensuring that all citizens are treated as equals under your laws, because let me be clear – I am not saying that gay people can’t or don’t commit crimes. They can and they do, just like straight people. And when they do, they should be held accountable, but it should never be a crime to be gay.
And to people of all nations, I say supporting human rights is your responsibility too. The lives of gay people are shaped not only by laws, but by the treatment they receive every day from their families, from their neighbors. Eleanor Roosevelt, who did so much to advance human rights worldwide, said that these rights begin in the small places close to home – the streets where people live, the schools they attend, the factories, farms, and offices where they work. These places are your domain. The actions you take, the ideals that you advocate, can determine whether human rights flourish where you are.
And finally, to LGBT men and women worldwide, let me say this: Wherever you live and whatever the circumstances of your life, whether you are connected to a network of support or feel isolated and vulnerable, please know that you are not alone. People around the globe are working hard to support you and to bring an end to the injustices and dangers you face. That is certainly true for my country. And you have an ally in the United States of America and you have millions of friends among the American people.
The Obama Administration defends the human rights of LGBT people as part of our comprehensive human rights policy and as a priority of our foreign policy. In our embassies, our diplomats are raising concerns about specific cases and laws, and working with a range of partners to strengthen human rights protections for all. In Washington, we have created a task force at the State Department to support and coordinate this work. And in the coming months, we will provide every embassy with a toolkit to help improve their efforts. And we have created a program that offers emergency support to defenders of human rights for LGBT people.
This morning, back in Washington, President Obama put into place the first U.S. Government strategy dedicated to combating human rights abuses against LGBT persons abroad. Building on efforts already underway at the State Department and across the government, the President has directed all U.S. Government agencies engaged overseas to combat the criminalization of LGBT status and conduct, to enhance efforts to protect vulnerable LGBT refugees and asylum seekers, to ensure that our foreign assistance promotes the protection of LGBT rights, to enlist international organizations in the fight against discrimination, and to respond swiftly to abuses against LGBT persons.
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晚上好,我在這里表達(dá)我的榮譽(yù)和快樂(lè)。我要感謝總經(jīng)理溫迪托卡耶夫和女士以及其他部長(zhǎng)、大使、各位閣下,和聯(lián)合國(guó)合作伙伴。這個(gè)周末,我們將慶祝人權(quán)日,周年紀(jì)念日上世紀(jì)最偉大的成就之一。
從1947年開始,來(lái)自六大洲的代表奉獻(xiàn)自己起草一份聲明,將人的基本權(quán)利和自由無(wú)處不在。二戰(zhàn)后,許多國(guó)家要求聲明這種幫助確保我們將防止未來(lái)的暴行和保護(hù)所有人的固有的人性和尊嚴(yán)。所以代表去上班。他們討論,他們寫道,重新審視、修改,重寫,因?yàn)閿?shù)千小時(shí)。他們注冊(cè)的建議和修訂從政府、組織和個(gè)人在世界各地。
凌晨三點(diǎn)在12月10日,1948年,經(jīng)過(guò)近兩年的起草和最后一個(gè)漫長(zhǎng)的夜晚的辯論中,奧巴馬總統(tǒng)呼吁聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)投票決定最終的文本。48個(gè)國(guó)家投票贊成,8個(gè)國(guó)家投了棄權(quán)票,沒(méi)有異議。和《世界人權(quán)宣言》。它宣告一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的、強(qiáng)大的想法:所有人類生而擁有尊嚴(yán)及權(quán)利的平等和自由。和聲明,明確表示,權(quán)利不是政府賦予;它們是所有人與生俱來(lái)的權(quán)利。我們生活在哪個(gè)國(guó)家并不重要,我們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人是誰(shuí),甚至我們是誰(shuí)。因?yàn)槲覀兪侨祟?我們因此有權(quán)利。因?yàn)槲覀冇袡?quán)利,政府一定會(huì)保護(hù)他們。
宣言在63年被采用,許多國(guó)家已經(jīng)取得了很大的進(jìn)步在人權(quán)人類現(xiàn)實(shí)。一步一步,障礙,一旦阻止人們享受的全部測(cè)量自由,尊嚴(yán)的全部經(jīng)驗(yàn),和人類的全部好處已經(jīng)走了。在許多地方,種族主義法律已經(jīng)被廢除,法律和社會(huì)實(shí)踐,把女性二等地位已經(jīng)被廢除,宗教少數(shù)派的能力已經(jīng)獲得自由實(shí)踐他們的信仰。
在大多數(shù)情況下,這種進(jìn)步是不容易獲得。人與組織和公共活動(dòng)廣場(chǎng)和私人空間不僅改變法律,但人心。多虧了這代,成百上千萬(wàn)人的生命曾經(jīng)縮小的不公,他們現(xiàn)在能夠生活得更自由,更充分地參與到政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)生活的社區(qū)。
現(xiàn)在仍然存在,大家都知道,更要做安全的承諾,所有人這一現(xiàn)實(shí),和進(jìn)步。今天,我想談?wù)勎覀兊墓ぷ饔惺Ｏ乱鰜?lái)保護(hù)人權(quán)的一群人仍然否認(rèn)在當(dāng)今世界太多的地方。在許多方面,他們是一個(gè)看不見(jiàn)的少數(shù)民族。他們被逮捕,毆打、恐嚇甚至處死。許多人蔑視和暴力對(duì)待同胞而當(dāng)局授權(quán)保護(hù)他們尋找其他途徑,或過(guò)于頻繁,甚至加入濫用。他們否認(rèn)了工作和學(xué)習(xí)的機(jī)會(huì),從他們的家園和國(guó)家,被迫抑制或否認(rèn)他們是誰(shuí)來(lái)保護(hù)自己免受傷害。
我說(shuō)的是男同性戀,女同性戀,雙性戀,變性人,人類生而自由,賦予平等和尊嚴(yán),誰(shuí)有權(quán)宣稱,現(xiàn)在剩下的人權(quán)挑戰(zhàn)之一。我談?wù)撨@個(gè)問(wèn)題時(shí)知道自己的國(guó)家對(duì)同性戀者的人權(quán)紀(jì)錄遠(yuǎn)非完美。直到2003年,它仍然是一個(gè)犯罪在我國(guó)部分地區(qū)。許多同性戀美國(guó)人經(jīng)歷了暴力和騷擾自己的生活,和對(duì)一些人來(lái)說(shuō),包括許多年輕人,欺凌和排斥是日常經(jīng)驗(yàn)。所有國(guó)家一樣,所以我們有更多的工作要做在家里保護(hù)人權(quán)。liuxue86.com
提高這個(gè)問(wèn)題,現(xiàn)在我知道,是敏感的對(duì)許多人來(lái)說(shuō),障礙的障礙保護(hù)同性戀的人權(quán)在根深蒂固的個(gè)人,政治、文化和宗教信仰。所以我來(lái)這里之前你尊重,理解,和謙卑。盡管在這方面進(jìn)展并不容易,我們不能推遲行動(dòng)。所以本著這一精神,我想談?wù)勎覀円黄鸨仨毥鉀Q的困難和重要的問(wèn)題達(dá)成全球共識(shí),承認(rèn)同性戀公民的人權(quán)。
第一個(gè)問(wèn)題是問(wèn)題的核心。一些人認(rèn)為同性戀權(quán)利和人權(quán)是分開的,獨(dú)特的;但是,實(shí)際上,他們是同一個(gè)。當(dāng)然,60年前,政府起草和通過(guò)了《世界人權(quán)宣言》沒(méi)有思考如何應(yīng)用于LGBT群體。他們還沒(méi)有考慮它如何應(yīng)用于原住民或孩子或殘疾人或其他邊緣化群體。然而,在過(guò)去60年里,我們已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到,這些團(tuán)體的成員有權(quán)完整的尊嚴(yán)和權(quán)利,因?yàn)?像所有人一樣,他們共享一個(gè)共同的人性。
這種識(shí)別并沒(méi)有發(fā)生。隨著時(shí)間的推移它發(fā)展。那樣,我們明白我們是人們總是尊重權(quán)利,而不是創(chuàng)建新的或特殊權(quán)利。作為一個(gè)女人,作為一個(gè)種族,宗教、部落或民族,被同性戀不會(huì)使你更少的人。這就是為什么同性戀者的權(quán)利是人權(quán)和人權(quán)是同性戀權(quán)利。
這是一個(gè)違反人權(quán)當(dāng)人們擊敗或殺死,因?yàn)樗麄兊男匀∠?或因?yàn)樗麄儾环衔幕?guī)范關(guān)于男性和女性應(yīng)該或行為。這是一個(gè)違反人權(quán)當(dāng)政府宣布同性戀是違法,或允許同性戀者去懲罰那些傷害。這是一個(gè)違反人權(quán)當(dāng)女同性戀或變性婦女遭受所謂糾正強(qiáng)奸,或者強(qiáng)行接受激素治療,或當(dāng)人們對(duì)待同性戀者公開呼吁暴力謀殺后,或者當(dāng)他們被迫逃離他們?cè)谄渌麌?guó)家尋求庇護(hù)的土地來(lái)挽救他們的生命。并拒絕拯救生命的治療,違反人權(quán)的人,因?yàn)樗麄兪峭詰?或者拒絕平等正義的人,因?yàn)樗麄兪峭詰倩蚬矆?chǎng)所是禁止入內(nèi)的人,因?yàn)樗麄兪峭詰佟２还芪覀兪鞘裁礃幼?我們是從哪里來(lái)的,或者我們是誰(shuí),我們都是平等的權(quán)利,我們的人權(quán)和尊嚴(yán)。
第二個(gè)問(wèn)題是一個(gè)問(wèn)題是否同性戀起因于一個(gè)特定的世界的一部分。一些似乎認(rèn)為這是一個(gè)西方的現(xiàn)象,因此西方以外的人有理由拒絕它。在現(xiàn)實(shí)中,同性戀是天生的,屬于世界上每一個(gè)社會(huì)。所有年齡、所有種族,信仰,他們是醫(yī)生和老師,農(nóng)民和銀行家,士兵和運(yùn)動(dòng)員;我們是否知道,或者我們是否承認(rèn)它的存在,他們是我們的家人,我們的朋友和鄰居。
同性戀不是西方的發(fā)明,它是一種人類的現(xiàn)實(shí)。和保護(hù)所有人的人權(quán),同性戀還是異性戀,不是只有西方政府做的。南非憲法,寫在種族隔離之后,保護(hù)所有公民的平等,包括同性戀者。在哥倫比亞和阿根廷,同性戀也是受法律保護(hù)的權(quán)利。在尼泊爾,最高法院裁定,平等權(quán)利適用于同性戀公民。蒙古政府致力于追求新的立法,將解決反同性戀的歧視。
現(xiàn)在,一些人擔(dān)心LGBT群體的人權(quán)保護(hù)是一種奢侈品,只有富裕國(guó)家能負(fù)擔(dān)得起。但事實(shí)上,在所有國(guó)家,成本不保護(hù)這些權(quán)利,同性戀和異性戀的生活失去了疾病和暴力,和沉默的聲音和觀點(diǎn),將加強(qiáng)社區(qū),思想永遠(yuǎn)追求的企業(yè)家是同性戀。成本的產(chǎn)生是任何團(tuán)體被視為較小,是否女性,種族,宗教少數(shù)派或同性戀。博茨瓦納前總統(tǒng)莫哈埃最近指出,只要LGBT群體保持在陰影里,不可能有一個(gè)有效的公共衛(wèi)生計(jì)劃應(yīng)對(duì)艾滋病毒和艾滋病。這也適用于其他挑戰(zhàn)。
第三,也許最具挑戰(zhàn)性的問(wèn)題,當(dāng)人們把宗教或文化價(jià)值觀作為理由違反或不保護(hù)同性戀公民的人權(quán)。這不是與暴力行為的理由提出對(duì)女性喜歡榮譽(yù)謀殺,寡婦燃燒,或女性生殖器切割。有些人仍然捍衛(wèi)這些實(shí)踐作為文化傳統(tǒng)的一部分。但對(duì)婦女的暴力行為并不是文化,而是犯罪。同樣與奴隸制,曾經(jīng)受上帝現(xiàn)在正確地斥責(zé)為不合理的違反人權(quán)。
在這些情況下,我們來(lái)學(xué)習(xí),沒(méi)有實(shí)踐或傳統(tǒng)勝過(guò)屬于我們所有人的人權(quán)。這適用于LGBT群體造成暴力,認(rèn)定他們的狀態(tài)或行為,驅(qū)逐他們從他們的家庭和社區(qū),或者默許或顯式地接受他們的殺戮。
當(dāng)然,但是要注意的是很少有文化和宗教傳統(tǒng)和學(xué)說(shuō)實(shí)際上與人權(quán)保護(hù)的沖突。事實(shí)上,我們的宗教和文化是靈感來(lái)源的同情和對(duì)我們的人類同胞。這不僅是那些已經(jīng)證明奴隸制靠宗教,這也是那些試圖廢除它。讓我們記住我們的承諾,保護(hù)宗教自由,捍衛(wèi)LGBT群體的尊嚴(yán)來(lái)自一個(gè)共同的來(lái)源。對(duì)我們?cè)S多人來(lái)說(shuō),宗教信仰和實(shí)踐意義和身份的重要來(lái)源,和我們?nèi)说幕A(chǔ)。同樣地,對(duì)大多數(shù)人來(lái)說(shuō),愛(ài)情和家庭,我們建立的債券也意義和身份的重要來(lái)源。和照顧他人的表達(dá)什么是完整的人。這是因?yàn)槿祟惖慕?jīng)驗(yàn)是普遍的,人權(quán)是普遍和跨越所有的宗教和文化。
第四個(gè)問(wèn)題是歷史教訓(xùn)我們?nèi)绾巫屗羞M(jìn)程的權(quán)利。進(jìn)步從誠(chéng)實(shí)開始討論?，F(xiàn)在,有些人說(shuō),相信所有的同性戀者都是戀童癖,同性戀是一種疾病,可以捕獲或治愈,或者同性戀招募其他人成為同性戀。這些觀念是不正確的。他們也不可能消失,如果那些促進(jìn)或接受他們置若罔聞,而不是被邀請(qǐng)分享他們的恐懼和擔(dān)憂。從來(lái)沒(méi)有人放棄了信仰,因?yàn)樗黄冗@樣做。
世界人權(quán)日演講稿范文【二】
Good evening, and let me express my deep honor and pleasure at being here. I want to thank Director General Tokayev and Ms. Wyden along with other ministers, ambassadors, excellencies, and UN partners. This weekend, we will celebrate Human Rights Day, the anniversary of one of the great accomplishments of the last century.
Beginning in 1947, delegates from six continents devoted themselves to drafting a declaration that would enshrine the fundamental rights and freedoms of people everywhere. In the aftermath of World War II, many nations pressed for a statement of this kind to help ensure that we would prevent future atrocities and protect the inherent humanity and dignity of all people. And so the delegates went to work. They discussed, they wrote, they revisited, revised, rewrote, for thousands of hours. And they incorporated suggestions and revisions from governments, organizations, and individuals around the world.
At three o’clock in the morning on December 10th, 1948, after nearly two years of drafting and one last long night of debate, the president of the UN General Assembly called for a vote on the final text. Forty-eight nations voted in favor; eight abstained; none dissented. And the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted. It proclaims a simple, powerful idea: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. And with the declaration, it was made clear that rights are not conferred by government; they are the birthright of all people. It does not matter what country we live in, who our leaders are, or even who we are. Because we are human, we therefore have rights. And because we have rights, governments are bound to protect them.
In the 63 years since the declaration was adopted, many nations have made great progress in making human rights a human reality. Step by step, barriers that once prevented people from enjoying the full measure of liberty, the full experience of dignity, and the full benefits of humanity have fallen away. In many places, racist laws have been repealed, legal and social practices that relegated women to second-class status have been abolished, the ability of religious minorities to practice their faith freely has been secured.
In most cases, this progress was not easily won. People fought and organized and campaigned in public squares and private spaces to change not only laws, but hearts and minds. And thanks to that work of generations, for millions of individuals whose lives were once narrowed by injustice, they are now able to live more freely and to participate more fully in the political, economic, and social lives of their communities.
Now, there is still, as you all know, much more to be done to secure that commitment, that reality, and progress for all people. Today, I want to talk about the work we have left to do to protect one group of people whose human rights are still denied in too many parts of the world today. In many ways, they are an invisible minority. They are arrested, beaten, terrorized, even executed. Many are treated with contempt and violence by their fellow citizens while authorities empowered to protect them look the other way or, too often, even join in the abuse. They are denied opportunities to work and learn, driven from their homes and countries, and forced to suppress or deny who they are to protect themselves from harm.
I am talking about gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender people, human beings born free and given bestowed equality and dignity, who have a right to claim that, which is now one of the remaining human rights challenges of our time. I speak about this subject knowing that my own country’s record on human rights for gay people is far from perfect. Until 2003, it was still a crime in parts of our country. Many LGBT Americans have endured violence and harassment in their own lives, and for some, including many young people, bullying and exclusion are daily experiences. So we, like all nations, have more work to do to protect human rights at home.
Now, raising this issue, I know, is sensitive for many people and that the obstacles standing in the way of protecting the human rights of LGBT people rest on deeply held personal, political, cultural, and religious beliefs. So I come here before you with respect, understanding, and humility. Even though progress on this front is not easy, we cannot delay acting. So in that spirit, I want to talk about the difficult and important issues we must address together to reach a global consensus that recognizes the human rights of LGBT citizens everywhere.
The first issue goes to the heart of the matter. Some have suggested that gay rights and human rights are separate and distinct; but, in fact, they are one and the same. Now, of course, 60 years ago, the governments that drafted and passed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were not thinking about how it applied to the LGBT community. They also weren’t thinking about how it applied to indigenous people or children or people with disabilities or other marginalized groups. Yet in the past 60 years, we have come to recognize that members of these groups are entitled to the full measure of dignity and rights, because, like all people, they share a common humanity.
This recognition did not occur all at once. It evolved over time. And as it did, we understood that we were honoring rights that people always had, rather than creating new or special rights for them. Like being a woman, like being a racial, religious, tribal, or ethnic minority, being LGBT does not make you less human. And that is why gay rights are human rights, and human rights are gay rights.
It is a violation of human rights when people are beaten or killed because of their sexual orientation, or because they do not conform to cultural norms about how men and women should look or behave. It is a violation of human rights when governments declare it illegal to be gay, or allow those who harm gay people to go unpunished. It is a violation of human rights when lesbian or transgendered women are subjected to so-called corrective rape, or forcibly subjected to hormone treatments, or when people are murdered after public calls for violence toward gays, or when they are forced to flee their nations and seek asylum in other lands to save their lives. And it is a violation of human rights when life-saving care is withheld from people because they are gay, or equal access to justice is denied to people because they are gay, or public spaces are out of bounds to people because they are gay. No matter what we look like, where we come from, or who we are, we are all equally entitled to our human rights and dignity.
The second issue is a question of whether homosexuality arises from a particular part of the world. Some seem to believe it is a Western phenomenon, and therefore people outside the West have grounds to reject it. Well, in reality, gay people are born into and belong to every society in the world. They are all ages, all races, all faiths; they are doctors and teachers, farmers and bankers, soldiers and athletes; and whether we know it, or whether we acknowledge it, they are our family, our friends, and our neighbors.
Being gay is not a Western invention; it is a human reality. And protecting the human rights of all people, gay or straight, is not something that only Western governments do. South Africa’s constitution, written in the aftermath of Apartheid, protects the equality of all citizens, including gay people. In Colombia and Argentina, the rights of gays are also legally protected. In Nepal, the Supreme Court has ruled that equal rights apply to LGBT citizens. The Government of Mongolia has committed to pursue new legislation that will tackle anti-gay discrimination.
Now, some worry that protecting the human rights of the LGBT community is a luxury that only wealthy nations can afford. But in fact, in all countries, there are costs to not protecting these rights, in both gay and straight lives lost to disease and violence, and the silencing of voices and views that would strengthen communities, in ideas never pursued by entrepreneurs who happen to be gay. Costs are incurred whenever any group is treated as lesser or the other, whether they are women, racial, or religious minorities, or the LGBT. Former President Mogae of Botswana pointed out recently that for as long as LGBT people are kept in the shadows, there cannot be an effective public health program to tackle HIV and AIDS. Well, that holds true for other challenges as well.
The third, and perhaps most challenging, issue arises when people cite religious or cultural values as a reason to violate or not to protect the human rights of LGBT citizens. This is not unlike the justification offered for violent practices towards women like honor killings, widow burning, or female genital mutilation. Some people still defend those practices as part of a cultural tradition. But violence toward women isn’t cultural; it’s criminal. Likewise with slavery, what was once justified as sanctioned by God is now properly reviled as an unconscionable violation of human rights.
In each of these cases, we came to learn that no practice or tradition trumps the human rights that belong to all of us. And this holds true for inflicting violence on LGBT people, criminalizing their status or behavior, expelling them from their families and communities, or tacitly or explicitly accepting their killing.
Of course, it bears noting that rarely are cultural and religious traditions and teachings actually in conflict with the protection of human rights. Indeed, our religion and our culture are sources of compassion and inspiration toward our fellow human beings. It was not only those who’ve justified slavery who leaned on religion, it was also those who sought to abolish it. And let us keep in mind that our commitments to protect the freedom of religion and to defend the dignity of LGBT people emanate from a common source. For many of us, religious belief and practice is a vital source of meaning and identity, and fundamental to who we are as people. And likewise, for most of us, the bonds of love and family that we forge are also vital sources of meaning and identity. And caring for others is an expression of what it means to be fully human. It is because the human experience is universal that human rights are universal and cut across all religions and cultures.
The fourth issue is what history teaches us about how we make progress towards rights for all. Progress starts with honest discussion. Now, there are some who say and believe that all gay people are pedophiles, that homosexuality is a disease that can be caught or cured, or that gays recruit others to become gay. Well, these notions are simply not true. They are also unlikely to disappear if those who promote or accept them are dismissed out of hand rather than invited to share their fears and concerns. No one has ever abandoned a belief because he was forced to do so.
Universal human rights include freedom of expression and freedom of belief, even if our words or beliefs denigrate the humanity of others. Yet, while we are each free to believe whatever we choose, we cannot do whatever we choose, not in a world where we protect the human rights of all.
Reaching understanding of these issues takes more than speech. It does take a conversation. In fact, it takes a constellation of conversations in places big and small. And it takes a willingness to see stark differences in belief as a reason to begin the conversation, not to avoid it.
But progress comes from changes in laws. In many places, including my own country, legal protections have preceded, not followed, broader recognition of rights. Laws have a teaching effect. Laws that discriminate validate other kinds of discrimination. Laws that require equal protections reinforce the moral imperative of equality. And practically speaking, it is often the case that laws must change before fears about change dissipate.
Many in my country thought that President Truman was making a grave error when he ordered the racial desegregation of our military. They argued that it would undermine unit cohesion. And it wasn’t until he went ahead and did it that we saw how it strengthened our social fabric in ways even the supporters of the policy could not foresee. Likewise, some worried in my country that the repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” would have a negative effect on our armed forces. Now, the Marine Corps Commandant, who was one of the strongest voices against the repeal, says that his concerns were unfounded and that the Marines have embraced the change.
Finally, progress comes from being willing to walk a mile in someone else’s shoes. We need to ask ourselves, “How would it feel if it were a crime to love the person I love? How would it feel to be discriminated against for something about myself that I cannot change?” This challenge applies to all of us as we reflect upon deeply held beliefs, as we work to embrace tolerance and respect for the dignity of all persons, and as we engage humbly with those with whom we disagree in the hope of creating greater understanding.
A fifth and final question is how we do our part to bring the world to embrace human rights for all people including LGBT people. Yes, LGBT people must help lead this effort, as so many of you are. Their knowledge and experiences are invaluable and their courage inspirational. We know the names of brave LGBT activists who have literally given their lives for this cause, and there are many more whose names we will never know. But often those who are denied rights are least empowered to bring about the changes they seek. Acting alone, minorities can never achieve the majorities necessary for political change.
So when any part of humanity is sidelined, the rest of us cannot sit on the sidelines. Every time a barrier to progress has fallen, it has taken a cooperative effort from those on both sides of the barrier. In the fight for women’s rights, the support of men remains crucial. The fight for racial equality has relied on contributions from people of all races. Combating Islam phobia or anti-Semitism is a task for people of all faiths. And the same is true with this struggle for equality.
Conversely, when we see denials and abuses of human rights and fail to act, that sends the message to those deniers and abusers that they won’t suffer any consequences for their actions, and so they carry on. But when we do act, we send a powerful moral message. Right here in Geneva, the international community acted this year to strengthen a global consensus around the human rights of LGBT people. At the Human Rights Council in March, 85 countries from all regions supported a statement calling for an end to criminalization and violence against people because of their sexual orientation and gender identity.
At the following session of the Council in June, South Africa took the lead on a resolution about violence against LGBT people. The delegation from South Africa spoke eloquently about their own experience and struggle for human equality and its indivisibility. When the measure passed, it became the first-ever UN resolution recognizing the human rights of gay people worldwide. In the Organization of American States this year, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights created a unit on the rights of LGBT people, a step toward what we hope will be the creation of a special rapporteur.
Now, we must go further and work here and in every region of the world to galvanize more support for the human rights of the LGBT community. To the leaders of those countries where people are jailed, beaten, or executed for being gay, I ask you to consider this: Leadership, by definition, means being out in front of your people when it is called for. It means standing up for the dignity of all your citizens and persuading your people to do the same. It also means ensuring that all citizens are treated as equals under your laws, because let me be clear – I am not saying that gay people can’t or don’t commit crimes. They can and they do, just like straight people. And when they do, they should be held accountable, but it should never be a crime to be gay.
And to people of all nations, I say supporting human rights is your responsibility too. The lives of gay people are shaped not only by laws, but by the treatment they receive every day from their families, from their neighbors. Eleanor Roosevelt, who did so much to advance human rights worldwide, said that these rights begin in the small places close to home – the streets where people live, the schools they attend, the factories, farms, and offices where they work. These places are your domain. The actions you take, the ideals that you advocate, can determine whether human rights flourish where you are.
And finally, to LGBT men and women worldwide, let me say this: Wherever you live and whatever the circumstances of your life, whether you are connected to a network of support or feel isolated and vulnerable, please know that you are not alone. People around the globe are working hard to support you and to bring an end to the injustices and dangers you face. That is certainly true for my country. And you have an ally in the United States of America and you have millions of friends among the American people.
The Obama Administration defends the human rights of LGBT people as part of our comprehensive human rights policy and as a priority of our foreign policy. In our embassies, our diplomats are raising concerns about specific cases and laws, and working with a range of partners to strengthen human rights protections for all. In Washington, we have created a task force at the State Department to support and coordinate this work. And in the coming months, we will provide every embassy with a toolkit to help improve their efforts. And we have created a program that offers emergency support to defenders of human rights for LGBT people.
This morning, back in Washington, President Obama put into place the first U.S. Government strategy dedicated to combating human rights abuses against LGBT persons abroad. Building on efforts already underway at the State Department and across the government, the President has directed all U.S. Government agencies engaged overseas to combat the criminalization of LGBT status and conduct, to enhance efforts to protect vulnerable LGBT refugees and asylum seekers, to ensure that our foreign assistance promotes the protection of LGBT rights, to enlist international organizations in the fight against discrimination, and to respond swiftly to abuses against LGBT persons.
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